Keywords: National Space Day, ISRO Achievements, Chandrayaan, Space Programme, Lunar Landing

August 23, 2024, is being celebrated as the maiden ‘National Space Day’ in India. The theme for this year’s space day is “Touching Lives while Touching the Moon: India’s Space Saga”. The date has been carefully chosen to honour the momentous occasion of India’s moon landing on the same day last year. Events are being conducted across the country to highlight India’s remarkable achievements in space and the success of India’s space programme, which has brought immense socio-economic benefits to the population. These events include quizzes, robotic challenges, hackathons, exhibitions, and seminars to create awareness about space and its benefits to mankind.[1]

Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) is the sole entity that has been responsible for the innumerable achievements in space for India. There have been many milestones, but the successful Chandrayaan-3 mission in August 2023 stands out as a beacon of hope for the future space exploration ambitions of the nation. Chandrayaan-3 has opened the windows to many possibilities that exist beyond Earth’s orbit for India, mainly in the exploration of the Moon and Mars. This is the first step towards human presence on these planets. Apart from being the 4th nation to do a soft landing on the moon, India also became the First Nation to land near the South Pole. The capability to execute a safe moon landing means India can progress its moon exploration ambitions further for various purposes, like surveying the lunar surface for mineral resources, rare earth materials, water, etc. Eventually, this would lead to human habitation on the moon, and India cannot be a laggard in the lunar race. To complete the cycle of lunar missions, ISRO will have to work on return trips for sample collection. A successful sample return mission will give hope for further development of spacecraft for human moon landings.

The depth of India’s space programme can be gauged by the statistics of the space missions carried out. To date, ISRO has achieved 95 space launches with 125 satellite missions. A total of 432 foreign satellites belonging to 34 countries have been launched, and 17 satellites have been realised by private players or students.[2] Some of the noteworthy milestones are:[3]

• • PSLV – The Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV) has been performing as the most reliable and versatile workhorse with a success rate of above 95 per cent.

  • GSLV – Operationalisation of the Cryogenic engine technology and Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle (GSLV).

  • LVM3 – The Launch Vehicle Mark3 is the 4th generation launch vehicle developed indigenously to carry 4-tonne class payloads to Geostationary Earth Orbit (GEO) and 6-tonne class payloads to Low Earth Orbit (LEO). This new-generation rocket has flown seven missions since 2014.

  • Launch of 104 satellites in a single mission of PSLV in 2017.

  • SSLV – Completion of development flights for Small Satellite Launch Vehicle (SSLV).

  • The Scramjet engine was successfully flight-tested as a technology demonstrator in August 2016.

  • RLV – Landing experiments have been successfully conducted on the Re-usable Launch Vehicle (RLV-LEX).

  • Quantum Communication – The Department of Space demonstrated entanglement-based quantum communication over a 300-metre free space along with real-time cryptographic applications.

  • Chandrayaan – Consecutive missions (Chandrayaan-1 to Chandrayaan-3) have been conducted, each with its unique achievements, resulting in the safe moon landing in the Chandrayaan-3 mission.

  • Mangalyaan – The successful Mars Orbiter Mission (MOM), also called Mangalyaan, was achieved in 2013-2014.

  • Earth Observation – The Cartosat, Risat and EOS series of satellites have enabled high resolution imagery, wile the Hyperspectral imaging satellite has taken remote sensing to the next level

  • NavIC – India became a regional player in navigation satellite systems through Indian Regional Navigation Satellite System (NavIC).

  • Gaganyaan – Completion of various critical tests like the Pad Abort Test, Test vehicle mission, Integrated Main Parachute Air-drop Test, and Crew Module Atmospheric Re-entry Experiment.

  • Aditya L1 – The first Indian solar observatory was launched in September 2023.

  • SSA – ISRO has set up a Space Situational Awareness (SSA) control centre in Bangalore for the identification and tracking of space objects and predicting collisions.

  • Space Reforms – The Indian National Space Promotion and Authorisation Centre (IN-SPACe) was established as a single window agency for all space activities of non-government entities. It plays a critical role in promoting commercial space activities and boosting the space economy. ISRO set up its commercial arm through New Space India Limited (NSIL), which is responsible for enabling Indian private industries to scale up production through technology transfers from ISRO. It also participates in the global commercial market by providing launch services and satellite services.

Amongst the several pan-India outreach activities and public engagements that are being planned to commemorate the national space day is a Bharatiya Antariksh Hackathon. The hackathon has been designed around 12 problem statements that have been identified in the fields of geospatial intelligence, space science, image processing, and artificial intelligence/machine learning. Through the hackathon, ISRO hopes to find novel solutions to complex issues while identifying new talent. Another spotlight event is the ‘Robotics Challenge’, which aims to identify the talent pool in universities and institutions in building robots that can compete in an extra-terrestrial environment, addressing real-life space robotics challenges.[4] ISRO is also conducting a pan-India space quiz, which is open to all age groups.

Despite the overwhelming success of India’s space programme under the sole space organisation in the country—ISRO—there have been some inadequacies and missed opportunities that warrant mention. India’s space programme, since the beginning, has been curated for socio-economic benefits and national development through scientific research and space exploration. This is captured adequately in the vision statement of ISRO. Consequently, the national security requirements of the nation were overlooked for several decades until the inadequacies of our space capabilities were experienced during the Kargil conflict. A separate organisation for defence space requirements was set up much later in 2019, and it will take many years to develop independent capabilities to support military space requirements. As for ISRO, it is still lagging in comparison to the leading space-faring nations in many areas of space technologies and infrastructure, such as Space Situational Awareness, Space stations, docking, in-orbit technologies like refuelling of satellites, heavy launch vehicles, persistence in surveillance capabilities, high-speed communication, space-based internet services, global navigation satellite systems etc.

The National Space Day is a testimony to the great efforts of India’s space scientists, like Dr. Vikram Sarabhai, Prof. Satish Dhawan, and Prof. UR Rao. It highlights India’s achievements in space and inspires the youth of the nation. The Space Day recognises significant achievements in space exploration and highlights advancements in space technology. The day is dedicated to inspiring future generations by generating interest in space science among students and enthusiasts. Furthermore, Space Day enhances public awareness about the benefits and importance of space exploration, giving a sense of national pride. It is a powerful reminder of the impact of space on our lives and the need for continued support and progress in this essential field.[5] The theme for this year’s space day—‘Touching Lives while Touching the Moon: India’s Space Saga’—is apt and needs to be followed up with improvement in India’s space landscape through various measures like more transparent policies, training programmes, job creation, promotion of the private space industry as well as looking through the prism of national security.

******

CLICK TO VIEW THE PDF

Notes

[1] “Country To Celebrate National Space Day On August 23”, All India Radio, August 14, 2024, at https://www.newsonair.gov.in/country-to-celebrate-national-space-day-on-august-23/#:~:text=On%2023%20August%20last%20year,as%20“National%20Space%20Day”. Accessed on August 18, 2024.

[2] Indian Space Research Organisation, “Missions Accomplished”, at https://www.isro.gov.in/Mission.html. Accessed on August 19, 2024.

[3] Indian Space Research Organisation, “The Modern Era of the Indian Space Programme”, at https://www.isro.gov.in/media_isro/pdf/9Years_Space_Achievement_Feb2024.pdf. Accessed on August 19, 2024.

[4] “ISRO to organise hackathon to celebrate first National Space Day on Aug 23”, The Economic Times, July 05, 2024, at https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/science/isro-to-organise-hackathon-to-celebrate-first-national-space-day-on-aug-23/articleshow/111517854.cms?from=mdr. Accessed on August 19, 2024.

[5] Department of Space, “National Space Day 2024: Embracing India’s Space Saga With a Month of Inspiring Events”, Press Information Bureau, August 02, 2024, at https://pib.gov.in/PressNoteDetails.aspx?NoteId=151986&ModuleId=3. Accessed August 18, 2024.

The post India Celebrates Its Inaugural National Space Day 2024 appeared first on CAPSS India.

Keywords: Kursk, diplomatic, war, development, diplomacy, Russian, Ukrainian, fleet, ties

Shri Narendra Modi, the Indian Prime Minister, is scheduled to visit Ukraine on August 23, 2024.[1] The upcoming visit of the Indian PM to Ukraine will be subsequent to his earlier meeting with the Ukrainian President on the sidelines of G-7 in Italy on June 14, 2024, wherein the two leaders discussed ways to strengthen bilateral ties and the situation of the war in Ukraine.[2] In fact, this visit would be the first visit by any Indian PM to Ukraine since diplomatic relations were established between India and Ukraine some 30 years ago.[3]

PM Modi’s Recent Russia Visit

Before the forthcoming visit to Ukraine in August 2024, the Indian PM had visited Russia on July 9, 2024, wherein wide-ranging Memorandums of Understanding (MsOU) were inked between the two sides covering Environment & Forest, Polar and Ocean Research, Broadcasting and so on.[4]  Now, the execution of these MsOU is expected to be monitored.

This happened to be Mr Modi’s first visit to Russia after being sworn in as the PM for the third consecutive term. The visit had taken place in the face of a long-drawn war between Russia and Ukraine, during which the so-called efforts of the world community to broker peace between these two warring nations have failed to yield any results.

Prime Minister Modi’s visit, first to Russia and now to Ukraine since the commencement of the war, is coupled with the hopes of the USA for India to mediate peace between Russia and Ukraine.[5] In other words, the above inclination of the USA is indicator of an obvious failure on part of the West to mediate peace between the contending parties—a task in which the US and the West have actually never been interested.

Notwithstanding the initial anguish expressed by the Ukrainian President Zelensky over the Indian Prime Minister’s visit to Russia, followed by Modi’s grand welcome and embrace with Russian President Putin in Moscow,[6] the Indian PM expressed satisfaction over the fact that both the Indian and Russian sides heard each other patiently. He also underscored India’s stance that war and terror are to be denounced at all costs.[7]

Implications for the West

The visit to Russia and the deliberations between the two leaders can be considered a balancing act on part of India against the USA, besides highlighting the complex position of India in global politics.[8] The visit was subjected to criticism by the West but was upheld by India, citing its long time practice of Strategic Autonomy.

The Indian Prime Minister’s visit to Russia in July 2024 has shown India’s strong belief in sustaining amicable relations with the USA, but at the same time also effectively showcased India’s neutral stand in world affairs. The visit has unambiguously brought home a point regarding India’s solidarity with the nations of the world on one hand, while nurturing its national interests on the other. India’s ties with the USA have significantly progressed, especially in the sectors of defence, technology and trade and commerce over the past few years.

From the viewpoint of Air Power, it would be worth mentioning here that the USA has been instrumental in providing India with modern, all-terrain, all-weather capable transport aircraft such as the C-130J Hercules[9] and C-17 Globemaster, capable of operating on unpaved surfaces,[10] besides Heavy Lift Helicopters like the CH-47F Chinooks, AH-64E Apaches and MH-60R Sea Hawks. These assets have become significant force multipliers for the Indian Air Force (IAF).[11]

The defence ties between India and the USA have been progressing well till now, with American war-fighting equipment constituting a sizable chunk of India’s defence inventory. Considering this, the ties between India and the USA need to be sustained in good stead in the future also, as far as India’s defence interests are concerned.

Implications for the East

While on one hand, India is maintaining stable relations with the West, Russia, on the other hand, has remained a longtime friend of India by virtue of standing steadfastly through thick and thin since the Indian independence in 1947. It is needless to reiterate that the erstwhile USSR had helped India in terms of setting up large industrial plants like Bhilai Steel Plant, Bokaro and Rourkela industrial plants, besides Uralmash, Gazprom, Rosatom, Silovye Mashiny. This collaboration has continued up to the recent support for the BrahMos Missile plant in India.[12]

In addition, the erstwhile USSR had also been supportive of India during the 1971 war. When the USA realised that Pakistan was about to lose the 1971 war and the Bangladesh was about to be created, the USA positioned the 7th Fleet of the US Navy in the Bay of Bengal, obviously in support of Pakistan.[13] In this hour of need, the erstwhile USSR had stood firmly with India, not only politically and diplomatically but also militarily, duly deploying its cruisers and destroyers as well as a nuclear submarine to counter the presence of the US Navy in the area.[14] So, the warm and strong relations between India and Russia align with a long-standing friendship.

India not only strongly believes that bilateral differences can be resolved only through dialogue and not through belligerence, but has also communicated this to the Russian President during their recent meeting in July 2024. Prime Minister Modi and President Putin had a long discussion about Ukraine during the Indian Prime Minister’s Russia visit on July 9, 2024, and were almost unanimous about the fact that the war is not a solution to the disputes. Yet, it might be tricky and inevitable for India to strike a balance between its long-standing relations with Russia and its humane gesture to establish peace in Ukraine.

The situation took an unexpected and difficult turn when Ukraine, hitherto maintaining a defensive posture, carried out offensive strikes in Kursk (Russian territory) on August 6, 2024. This has sent shockwaves across Russia, putting the population in fear and posing a serious challenge to the Russian leadership’s strong position amidst the ongoing war.[15] The recent Ukrainian attack on Russian territory has put the prospects of any Russo-Ukraine peace talks in a quandary. Considering this, the likely impact of the Indian initiative towards establishing peace between Russia and Ukraine through the upcoming visit of the Indian Prime Minister to Ukraine can only be wished good luck.

Implications for India

A maxim in the discipline of international relations states that there are no permanent friends or foes in international politics, and what is permanent is the national interest of a nation, which needs to be nurtured at all costs. Considering this ideological yet relevant line of thought, India needs to weigh its priorities so as to appropriately address the significant issues that concern us as a nation.

India, in its current realm of diplomacy, professes the tenets of ‘Freedom of Choice’ and ‘Strategic Autonomy’.[16] Following these motivators of Indian diplomacy, India believes that all disputes between the contending nations can be settled only through dialogue and negotiations. Guided by this belief, India might consider it desirable to establish peace between Russia and Ukraine with a view to bringing life in Ukraine back to normalcy. It, therefore, becomes imperative for India, as an emerging world power, to make meaningful efforts to promote international peace and security.

Militarily also, we should not lose sight of the fact that the destruction of the Antonov Plant manufacturing AN-32 medium lift Transport aircraft at Kyiv during the Russian attack on Ukraine has directly hit the supply chain of spares required by the IAF for maintenance of its AN-32 fleet. [17] The efforts to channelise the supply of spares through alternative routes have not yielded the desired results towards resuming supplies, and the ageing fleet still suffers from serviceability issues. However, due to the ingenuity and persistent efforts of its engineers, the IAF has been somehow managing the fleet’s serviceability to near-satisfactory levels.

Though the Russo-Ukrainian ties are in a challenging state owing to the recent Ukrainian strike on Russian territory, it would be wishful thinking that the visit of Prime Minister Modi to Ukraine succeeds in showcasing India’s strong commitment to world peace and thereby indirectly strengthening India’s image as a neutral and responsible player at the epicentre of international politics. Nevertheless, this is expected to provide India with an opportunity to reinforce its respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Also, India’s gesture of being with Ukraine, along with an effort towards mediating Ukrainian peace with Russia, is likely to enhance India’s diplomatic leverage while counterbalancing its relations with the USA and other European nations which are favoring Ukraine. This might be to India’s advantage with respect to its efforts towards countering global terror and addressing the international trade mechanism in India’s interest amidst enabling circumstances.

Moreover, India’s friendly gesture towards Ukraine at this hour of crisis is likely to help India establish future ties with Ukraine in defence, agriculture, technology and other sectors. It might indirectly facilitate the diversification of India’s international partnership options while leading to widening the arena of its strategic alliances.

Conclusion

It can be safely assumed that given the gradual rise of India as a prominent world power by virtue of its all-inclusive diplomacy of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, the impending visit of the Indian Prime Minister to Ukraine on August 23, 2024, is expected to give India an opportunity to globally reinforce its belief in strategic autonomy amid the complexities of international diplomacy. The visit is likely to counterbalance India’s strategic relations with the West as well as Russia, while at the same time avoiding close alignment with any single international power, resulting in a reinforced Indian diplomatic credibility in the face of a multipolar world order.

******

CLICK TO VIEW THE PDF

Notes

[1] “PM Modi may visit Ukraine in August, First since war started”, The Times of India, July 27, 2024, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/pm-modi-may-visit-ukraine-in-august-first-since-war-started/articleshow/112056719.cms. Accessed on August 16, 2024.

[2] Ministry of External Affairs (Government of India), “Prime Minister’s meeting with the President of Ukraine on the sidelines of the G7 Summit”, June 14, 2024, https://www.mea.gov.in/press-releases.htm?dtl/37871/Prime+Ministers+meeting+with+the+President+of+Ukraine+on+the+sidelines+of+the+G7+Summit#:~:text=Prime%20Minister%20Shri%20Narendra%20Modi,office%20for%20the%20third%20term. Accessed on August 16, 2024.

[3] “Narendra Modi to visit Ukraine on August 23, first visit by any Indian PM since bilateral ties began”, The Times of India, August 19, 2024, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/pm-modi-to-visit-ukraine-for-the-first-time-since-war-with-russia/articleshow/112622815.cms. Accessed on August 21, 2024.

[4] Ministry of External Affairs (Government of India), “List of outcomes: Official visit of Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi to Russia”, July 9, 2024, https://www.mea.gov.in/bilateral-documents.htm?dtl/37941/List+of+outcomes+Official+visit+of+Prime+Minister+Shri+Narendra+Modi+to+Russia. Accessed on August 16, 2024.

[5] “US Urges India and Allies to Support Efforts in Ukraine Peace”, DD News, July 10, 2024, https://ddnews.gov.in/en/us-urges-india-and-allies-to-support-efforts-in-ukraine-peace/. Accessed on August 16, 2024.

[6] “Ukraine President Zelenskyy slams PM Modi’s hug with Putin in Moscow as a ‘blow to peace efforts’”, The Economic Times, July 11, 2024, https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/india/ukraine-president-zelenskyy-slams-pm-modis-hug-with-putin-in-moscow-as-a-blow-to-peace-efforts/articleshow/111602921.cms?from=mdr. Accessed on August 16, 2024.

[7] “Joint Statement following the 22nd India-Russia Annual Summit”, Press Information Bureau, July 9, 2024, https://pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=2031946. Accessed on August 16, 2024.

[8] “Balancing act: How will Narendra Modi make India look strong globally?”, Business Standard, July 9, 2024, https://www.business-standard.com/politics/balancing-act-how-will-narendra-modi-make-india-look-strong-globally-124070900099_1.html. Accessed on August 16, 2024.

[9] “India’s C-130J Hercules”, SP’s Aviation, Issue 11/2011, https://www.sps-aviation.com/story/?id=846. Accessed on August 19, 2024.

[10] “C-17 GLOBEMASTER III”, Boeing, https://www.boeing.com/defense/c-17-globemaster-iii#overview. Accessed on August 19, 2024.

[11] “Apache and Chinook – Rotary Wing Capability Boost – IAF”, Air Power Asia, https://airpowerasia.com/2020/04/21/apache-and-chinook-rotary-wing-capability-boost-iaf/. Accessed on August 19, 2024.

[12] “Five Russian Makers in India”, Make in India, https://www.makeinindia.com/5-russian-makers-india. Accessed on August 19, 2024.

[13] Asif Mahfuz, “US Fleet in Bay of Bengal: A game of deception”, The Daily Star, December 16, 2013, https://www.thedailystar.net/news/us-fleet-in-bay-of-bengal-a-game-of-deception. Accessed on August 19, 2024.

[14] Madhav Trivedi, “How Russia helped India during the 1971 WAR against World and Pakistan, Did any Western countries help India during War on the Indian soil?” LinkedIn, April 8, 2022, https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/how-russia-helped-india-during-1971-war-against-world-madhav-trivedi/. Accessed on August 19, 2024.

[15] Steve Rosenberg, “Russians tell BBC they are Worried and angry at Ukraine incursion”, BBC, July 18, 2024, https://www.bbc.com/news/videos/cgedgzx7xqno. Accessed on August 19, 2024.

[16] Suhasini Haider and Dinkar Perry, “PM Modi likely to visit Ukraine on August 23”, The Hindu, July 27, 2024, https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/india-ukraine-looking-at-possibility-of-pm-modis-visit-to-kyiv-next-month/article68452995.ece. Accessed on August 19, 2024.

[17] “World’s Greatest Aviation Hub Destroyed, Russia Strikes Antonov Aircraft Plant in Kyiv”, YouTube Video, 2:58, India Today, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ypUXmXl6lFI. Accessed on August 19, 2024.

The post Prime Minister Modi’s Ensuing Visit to Ukraine: Expectations & Implications appeared first on CAPSS India.

Keywords: exercise-shiksha-tarang-shakti-fifth-generation-aircraft-viksit-bharat2047

The first phase of the largest-ever multilateral air combat exercise, Exercise (Ex) Tarang Shakti, concluded at Air Force Station Sulur on August 14, 2024, showcasing professional acumen, camaraderie and military diplomacy at its best. The high-profile and professionally enriching first phase culminated with a one-of-a-kind flying formation. The formation was flown by the Chiefs of Air Staff of the French, German, Spanish and Indian Air Force (IAF), which is a testament to leading from the front in the best of military traditions. The German and French air force chiefs, Lieutenant General Ingo Gerhartz and General Stephane Mille, flew in the Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) Mk-1 (Tejas). The Spanish and Indian Air Force chiefs, Air General Francisco Braco Carbo and Air Chief Marshal VR Chaudhari flew in the Su-30.

Faith in Self Reliance

Exercise Tarang Shakti also showcased the need for Self-reliance in military aviation, which has been a learning lesson not only from the recent Russia-Ukraine and Israel-Hamas crises but also since World Wars I and II. India, in general, and IAF in particular, has shown immense faith in the versatile indigenous Tejas aircraft. Throughout the missions in the exercise, LCA’s serviceability and operational performance have been praiseworthy while executing various missions along with more illustrious, battle-proven and widely flown fighter jets of Air Forces of advanced nations. The favourable and positive comparison has tremendously boosted the morale of the technicians, scientists and the air warriors of the IAF. To the extent that the IAF Chief stated, “LCA being the smallest fighter aircraft in the drills, showed size does not matter. The aircraft proved its capabilities in realistic combat settings as part of both ‘blue force’ (friendly) and ‘red force’ (hostile).”[1]

Though LCA Mk I Tejas is the talk of the town, it is worth noting that nearly all Indigenous platforms like Prachand attack helicopter, Netra Airborne Early Warning and Control (AEW&C) and Akash Surface to Air Missiles (SAM) prominently participated throughout the exercise in various missions of Large Force Engagement (LFE). As part of interoperability, MiG-29K fighters of the Indian Navy also joined the first phase, promoting jointness.

The aim of such multi-national exercises is not only to collaborate and corroborate various Tactics, Techniques, Procedures (TTP), and professional skills but also to gauge the potential and efficacy of equipment in furtherance of desired warfare capability. The exposure in this exercise proves that the Tejas is the epitome of Indian success in the self-reliance campaign. It is certain that along with Su30 and Rafale, Tejas will now be used more often in air combat drills both within and outside the country. International Defence Aviation Exposition 2024 – IDAX 2024[2] organised at the airbase showcased the Defence Research Development Organisation’s (DRDO) effort to boost the defence industry within the country and with foreign companies.

Challenges in Self-Reliance

While the Chief of Air Staff (CAS) endorsed the capabilities of the LCA Mk-1, he also expressed concern, stating, “If we had adequate numbers of LCA Mk-1As, the aircraft would have taken part in Tarang Shakti.”[3] Similar concerns were also flagged by the current Vice Chief of Air Staff (VCAS) recently in a seminar organised by the Centre for Air Power Studies. A question mark hangs over Hindustan Aeronautics Limited’s (HAL) ability to meet the delivery timeline of the 83 LCA Mk-1As on order. IAF will have to wait longer for the first aircraft that was supposed to be delivered by the end of February 2024. The deadlines have been revised twice, from February to August and then to November 2024. As has been the experience, it is doubtful it will be delivered even in 2025. This inordinate delay occurred despite the final operational configuration (FOC) version being cleared in 2018. Even the first fleet of 40 Tejas aircraft has not been met to date. The research and production agencies need to realise that the repetitive delay will cost the nation dearly. The sooner we realise this, the better it is. It will be foolhardy to wait for an adverse situation to happen and then speed up the production process. At this slow pace, the IAF will not have the first lot of 83 aircraft by 2029, let alone another 97 aircraft. The delay in the supply of GE-404 engines is making the situation further grim. Four significant issues that always hinder meeting deadlines are the lack of indigenously manufactured high-performance jet engines, slow design and development process, lack of domestic aerospace support ecosystem and stringent certification procedures.

Takeaways

This exercise highlights three major lessons that must be acknowledged within the IAF and the government machinery at the highest level. The media reports and coverage may help showcase the strength of air power yet again. Still, the IAF needs to put forth its requirements more assertively to garner national efforts and ensure it is optimally, qualitatively and quantitatively equipped to safeguard the nation’s sovereignty.

Shiksha to Shakti

It was sixty-one years ago that the Indian Air Force conducted its inaugural multinational air force exercise, Exercise ‘Shiksha’. The wargame, which included the USA, UK, and Australian air forces, was developed in response to the 1962 India-China War and reflects a strong commitment to enhancing preparedness for potential future conflicts. In the first fifteen years of its existence in Independent India, the IAF struggled to build up its inventory, tactics, techniques, and procedures, especially in the offensive roles undertaken by the fighter aircraft. Also, the IAF had to address the issues of inadequate radar coverage, poor communications in remote areas, and limited experience in mountain warfare.[4] IAF had to evolve effective Air Defence procedures and capabilities, including an Air Defence ground radar network, control and reporting systems, aircraft on Operations Ready Platform, etc., which later proved to be crucial in subsequent wars.

Nearly six decades later, the IAF has the ability to conduct a strategically significant mega air force exercise, ‘Tarang Shakti’, involving around 30 countries across the globe. There is a marked difference between 1963 and 2024: while Ex Shiksha (Learning/Education) was focused on learning, educating and evolving, Ex’ Tarang Shakti’ (Wave-like Strength) aims to practice and showcase strength, reflecting the learning accumulated over these decades. Today, IAF conducts this exercise from a position of strength and confidence as one of the pre-eminent air powers in the region. The armed forces, and the IAF in particular, play a vital and effective role in the geopolitical and geo-economic sphere of influence, aligned with the country’s vision of Viksit Bharat@2047. This exercise is an apt example of air power diplomacy through air operations and industry engagements, highlighting the IAF’s global influence and strong international ties.

Qualitative Upgradation

Phase I of Ex Tarang Shakti demonstrated quality interceptions, engagements and a variety of air operations required in the contemporary contested and congested battlespace. The participation of advanced fourth-generation aircraft, supported by the latest avionics, and the training of global air warriors reaffirm that one has to be ahead of the latest technology at all times. Only then can one achieve optimum situational awareness and battlefield transparency, leading to faster and more assured deliverables. Participation of foreign aircraft F-16, F-18, Typhoon, Rafale, etc., along with Indian inventory of aircraft, Surface to Air Guided Weapons (SAGW), Integrated Air Command and Control System (IACCS), etc., improved the combat experience.

At the same time, it serves as a stark reminder that having only a few of the latest top-of-the-line aircraft with better avionics and qualitative output is insufficient in the Indian context, especially in the integrated theatre environment and the vast borders. The entire mission planning and execution is a network-centric process, with IACCS being the lynchpin of the success of quality missions. It is imperative that the IAF’s best practices be further strengthened and bolstered with equally capable aircraft, missiles, Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) assets, and network connectivity throughout the battlespace and Tactical Battle Area (TBA). ‘The need for advanced technology is not just a necessity but a strategic imperative for the IAF’s continued success.’

Since its launch, China’s fifth-generation, state-of-the-art stealth aircraft, the J-20, has advanced remarkably, producing about 250 aircraft, of which more than 200 are presently in active service. Production rates have risen from 30 to 100 aircraft annually, and by 2030, the PLAAF may have more than 800 J-20s in its fleet. This would present a serious strategic challenge as it might outnumber the IAF’s whole fighter jet fleet.[5]

Conversely, Pakistan has expressed interest in the Chinese Shenyang FC-31 and Turkish KAAN, which are comparable to the US Lockheed F-35. India’s security calculations would be further complicated by Pakistan’s potential acquisition of either of these stealth fighters, so the IAF would need to respond decisively and swiftly. Given the potential for conflict with both China and Pakistan, India faces a multi-front challenge that calls for it to maintain an extremely competent and adaptable air force that is well-armed to thwart any misadventures by adversaries.

Quantitative Upgradation

Exercise Tarang Shakti demonstrated that today’s and tomorrow’s warfare cannot be fought with yesterday’s equipment. Still, it also reinforced that the quantity of assets, whether in the air or on the ground, is equally essential to orchestrate all kinds of air operations as per your choice of time and place. Over the past decade, the conventional threat emanating from China has garnered more traction than Pakistan. Incidents like Doklam, Galwan, etc., are among the skirmishes that further cement this narrative. However, the traditional rivalry from Pakistan, conventional and otherwise, must not lose sight of military preparedness. The vast, sparsely manned front on both sides of peninsular India, being the most extensive, has added to the difficulty for the armed forces in monitoring the vast oceans and the highly important Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOCs), especially for the IAF. Therefore, it is imperative that the quantitative upgradation of the IAF is critical and must be met as soon as possible. It is also clear that it cannot be solely met under the Atmanirbhar Bharat campaign. India and the IAF, in particular, cannot keep extending the timelines for the prototypes to fructify and further wait for mass production. The IAF needs to firm up the immediate and short-term deadlines of 2027 and 2031 to finally be fully equipped with respectable array of aircraft, radars, enablers, missiles, network-centric systems and space capabilities by its centenary in 2032. The IAF’s alignment with the Viksit Bharat@2047 deadline and completing its assets by then may not be on the right track, as there is still a long way to go. Also, the procurement of assets may face multiple hindrances and be marred with internal and external political scenarios, which is difficult to guess at this stage. Therefore, sticking to immediate and short-term deadlines is the need of the hour, and the whole-of- nation/government approach is the only way to meet the ends.

Statistically analysed, the IAF is currently operating with a significantly lesser number of fighter squadrons than those recommended for a two-front war. It currently has only 30 combat squadrons and barely countable enablers like tankers, AEW&C and orchestrator Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS). The massive shortfall of nearly 250 fighter aircraft becomes even more concerning when considering China’s PLA Air Force (PLAAF), which fields approximately 1,700 combat aircraft, including over 800 fourth- and fifth-generation platforms like the J-20. Meanwhile, with assistance from China, Pakistan has also modernised its fleet to include over 400 combat aircraft, including JF-17s and J-10C fighters. PAF has recently added its ninth aircraft to the AEW&C fleet, which tilts battle transparency in its favour. In contrast, the IAF’s depleting strength is aggravated by the impending phase-out of legacy aircraft such as the MiG-21 and Jaguar, which will further reduce its operational squadrons. While the inadequacy of numbers can be overcome by professional acumen, tactics, procedure, etc., the extent to which this would be effective in a war-like scenario is anybody’s guess.

The IAF’s current combat strength lacks the depth required to counter simultaneous threats on both fronts and in the peninsular India. To bridge this gap, the IAF requires the induction of at least 12-15 additional squadrons which is not possible with the indigenous route alone; thus, government-to-government acquisition is a must by 2031 to ensure a mix of both. HAL is likely to supply not more than 7-8 squadrons of LCA Mk1A and LCA Mk2 by 2031. Beyond these, IAF also needs to have a 5^th-gen fighters to counter adversaries, both of whom would have a 5^th-gen aircraft fleet by then. Force multipliers like Flight Refuelling Aircraft (FRA), AEW&C, Remotely Piloted Aircraft (RPAs) and orchestrators like AWACS are essential to ensure sustained air operations. Quantitative upgrades supported by strategic acquisitions are vital for the IAF to maintain air parity, provide effective deterrence, and ensure a credible defence posture against the combined threats posed by China and Pakistan. The need for a credible defence posture cannot be overstated in the face of such formidable adversaries.

Conclusion

The IAF has come a long way, from its first multinational Exercise, Shiksha, in 1963 to Exercise Tarang Shakti in 2024. IAF has successfully demonstrated its operational and combat capabilities to domestic audience, adversaries, and the global community. Conducting such a multinational exercise is also a test bench for the senior military leadership of the three Services to acknowledge the need for quality and quantity in the envisaged integrated environment. It also sends a firm message that Air Power diplomacy is one of the most effective, fastest and far-reaching consequential modes of military diplomacy empowering national objectives. It would not be incorrect to state that ‘Quantity alone cannot overcome quality, and effective quality cannot be maintained without adequate quantity.’ Hence, it is a constant reminder for the concerned to review the procurement roadmap of the IAF for the country.

*********

CLICK TO VIEW THE PDF

Notes:

[1] Rahul Singh, “LCA proved its mettle in Tarang Shakti drills, says IAF chief”, Hindustan Times, August 13, 2024, https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/lca-proved-its-mettle-in-tarang-shakti-drills-says-iaf-chief-101723547971515.html. Accessed on August 16, 2024.

[2] “Ex Tarang Shakti showcases India’s military capabilities and defence ties with participating nations”, All India Radio, August 13, 2024, https://www.newsonair.gov.in/ex-tarang-shakti-showcases-indias-military-capabilities-and-defence-ties-with-participating-nations/. Accessed on August 16, 2024.

[3] Singh, n.1.

[4] Anchit Gupta and Angad Singh, “Diffidence to Strength: Multinational Air Exercises in Indian skies”, #IAFHistory, August 3, 2024, https://iafhistory.in/2024/08/03/diffidence-to-strength-multinational-air-exercises-in-indian-skies/. Accessed on August 16, 2024.

[5] Karan Sharma, “The J-20 Challenge: Can India Bridge the Fighter Jet Gap With China?” The Diplomat, June 18, 2024, https://thediplomat.com/2024/06/the-j-20-challenge-can-india-bridge-the-fighter-jet-gap-with-china/. Accessed on August 19, 2024.

The post IAF Needs Quantitative and Qualitative Upgradation at a Faster Pace appeared first on CAPSS India.

Author: Prahlad Kumar Singh, Research Associate, Centre for Air Power Studies

Keywords: China, Third Plenum, Xi Jinping, Economy, Security

The post China’s Third Plenum: Reaffirming Xi Jinping’s ‘Security-First’ Approach to the Economy appeared first on CAPSS India.

Author: Colonel Amit Bedi, Senior Fellow, Centre for Air Power Studies

Keywords: Sahel, G5 Sahel Force, Operation Barkhane, AFRICOM, Wagner Group/Africa Corps, India – African Union Relations

The post Decreasing Western Influence in Africa: A Case Study of Sahel Region appeared first on CAPSS India.

Keywords: Ballistic Missile Defence, Prithvi Air Defence missile, India, Project Kusha

On July 24, 2024, India’s Defence Research and Developmental Organisation (DRDO) successfully tested the second phase of the Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD) System. The press release from DRDO stated that “the target missile was launched from LC-IV Dhamra… mimicking adversary Ballistic Missile, which was detected by weapon system radars deployed on land and sea and activated the AD Interceptor system.”[1]

The successful test of the Phase-II Air Defence (AD) endo-atmospheric missile is a testament to India’s growing Indigenous BMD capabilities. The milestone demonstrates India’s progression in BMD.

The Test

The press release specified that the test was conducted through the Phase-II AD endo-atmospheric missile, which intercepts ballistic missiles of the 5,000 km class. This two-stage, solid-propelled, ground-launched missile system intercepts and destroys threats in the endo- to low exo-atmospheric regions.[2] This was the second test of Phase-II AD, the first of which was conducted on November 2, 2022.[3] Phase-II AD instrumentalises AD-1 interceptor missile. While the first test of the AD-1 missile in 2022 was undertaken to cross-check the indigenously developed advanced control systems, navigation and guidance algorithm, the July 2024 test essentially validated the land and sea AD interceptor system. The test is also an important milestone as it passed the need for a “complete network centric warfare weapon system”[4] primarily consisting of long-range Sensors, a low-latency communication system and Missile Control Centre (MCC), and an Advanced Interceptor missile. Long-range sensors are essential for both the detection and tracking of threats. Phase-II AD uses the indigenously developed Swordfish Long Range Tracking Radar (LRTR), which has a reported detection range of 1,500 km.[5] The test has referred to a low-latency communication system, primarily hinting at the use of Low Earth Orbit (LEO) for guidance.

A Step in the Right Direction: From Phase I to II

India conducted its first BMD system test in November 2006, deploying the Prithvi Air Defence (PAD) missile against the Prithvi-I missile.[6] Since then, under the Phase-I programme, India has developed PAD missiles that can intercept incoming missiles at a range of about 80 km. The Phase-I programme also has an Advanced Air Defence (AAD) missile for 15-25 km altitudes. India’s BMD programme is based on two levels: endo-atmospheric and exo-atmospheric. Phase I of India’s BMD is developed while keeping the interception of missiles at the endo-atmospheric level. In 2017, the DRDO tested the Prithvi Defence Vehicle (PDV) interceptor missile to augment its BMD capabilities.[7] To further enhance endo-atmospheric capabilities, the DRDO in 2018 conducted the test of the indigenously developed and built Advanced Air Defence (AAD)/Ashvin Advanced Defence interceptor missile.[8] The AAD missiles are terminal phase interceptors meant to intercept missiles once they re-enter the earth’s atmosphere. The 2018 test was a significant milestone, as it was conducted against the multiple electronically simulated dummy warheads designed as decoys by employing a new indigenous imaging infrared (IIR) seeker. The Phase-II BMD deals with the exo-atmospheric level. The development of PAD and PDV is done from the point of view of mid-course interception. The AAD essentially helps in developing the Phase-II BMD.

Countering a Two-Front Threat

The Phase-II BMD test is a significant step in countering the two-front missile threat from Pakistan and China. The Phase-I BMD can intercept missiles with a range of less than 2,000 km, such as Pakistan’s Ghauri and Shaheen and China’s Dongfeng-21 (DF-21). The Phase-II BMD has the capability to defend against missiles with ranges up to 5,000 km. Once deployed, the Phase-II BMD will enable India to counter missiles such as China’s DF-26. This development, coupled with the deployment of the S-400 Triumf, significantly enhances India’s air defence capabilities against its adversaries. More importantly, the ability to deal with projectiles at the exo-atmospheric level demonstrates India’s stand-off power projection and helps in damage limitation.

Conclusion

India’s BMD programme is on the right course of action, though additional tests are required to augment its defensive capabilities. The Phase II BMD programme helps augment India’s defence for two reasons. One is related to a prospective collusive two-front missile threat that India faces from Pakistan and China. The second is to reduce the vulnerability of reliance on foreign assistance. On October 3, 2023, the Chief of Air Staff Air Chief Marshal V R Chaudhari mentioned the challenges in the timely delivery of Russia’s S-400.[9] The delay in the delivery of the S-400 air-defence missile system due to the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war essentially points to the problem of relying on foreign countries for paramount security needs. More importantly, as India seeks to enhance its indigenously developed long-range air defence system under ‘Project Kusha,’[10] which was first approved by the Cabinet Committee for Security in May 2022 and later accorded Acceptance of Necessity (AoN) status, it will certainly benefit from the lessons learned from Phases I and II and will help India further its defence.

******

CLICK TO VIEW THE PDF

Notes

[1] Ministry of Defence, “DRDO successfully flight-tests Phase-II Ballistic Missile Defence System”, Press Information Bureau, July 24, 2024, https://pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2036561. Accessed on July 26, 2024.

[2] Manjeet Negi, “India successfully tests second phase of ballistic missile defence system,” India Today, July 25, 2024, https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/ballistic-missile-defence-system-second-phase-successful-test-drdo-defence-ministry-2571489-2024-07-25. Accessed on July 26, 2024.

[3] “India flight tests phase-II ballistic missile defence interceptor AD-1,” Business Standard, November 02, 2022, https://www.business-standard.com/article/current-affairs/india-flight-tests-phase-ii-ballistic-missile-defence-interceptor-ad-1-122110201331_1.html. Accessed on July 26, 2024.

[4] “DRDO successfully tests Phase-II ballistic missile defence system,” The Hindu, July 25, 2024, https://www.thehindu.com/sci-tech/science/drdo-successfully-tests-phase-ii-ballistic-missile-defence-system/article68442838.ece. Accessed on July 27, 2024.

[5] Vijainder K Thakur, “THAAD’s Analog, S-400’s Partner, DRDO’s AD-1 Missile Interceptor Puts India In The Elite League,” The EurAsian Times, July 26, 2024, https://www.eurasiantimes.com/thaads-analog-s-400s-partner-drdos/. Accessed on July 27, 2024.

[6] Snehesh Alex Philip, “India completes phase one of ballistic missile defence programme, nod for missiles awaited,” The Print, April 22, 2019, https://theprint.in/defence/india-completes-phase-one-of-ballistic-missile-defence-programme-nod-for-missiles-awaited/224959/. Accessed on July 27, 2024.

[7] J C Menon, “India Ready to Install Ballistic Missile Defence,” European Security and Defence, June 1, 2020, https://euro-sd.com/2020/06/news/17401/india-ready-to-install-ballistic-missile-defence/. Accessed on July 28, 2024.

[8] Franz-Stefan Gady, “India’s Advanced Air Defense Interceptor Destroys Incoming Ballistic Missile in Test,” The Diplomat, December 28, 2017, https://thediplomat.com/2017/12/indias-advanced-air-defense-interceptor-destroys-incoming-ballistic-missile-in-test/. Accessed on July 28, 2024.

[9] Smruti Deshpande, “IAF’s Rs 3 lakh crore Made-in-India shopping list— 97 fighter jets, 156 LCHs, Sukhoi upgrades,” The Print, October 3, 2023, https://theprint.in/defence/iafs-rs-3-lakh-crore-made-in-india-shopping-list-97-fighter-jets-156-lchs-sukhoi-upgrades/1788440/. Accessed on July 28, 2024.

[10] Smruti Deshpande, “‘Desi’ S-400: All about Project Kusha, India’s very own long-range air defence system,” The Print, October 31, 2023, https://theprint.in/defence/desi-s-400-all-about-project-kusha-indias-very-own-long-range-air-defence-system/1826664/. Accessed on July 28, 2024.

The post Augmenting India’s Indigenous Ballistic Missile Defence: An Analysis appeared first on CAPSS India.

Keywords: Japan, Pacific Islands, Indo-Pacific, Security

The 10th Pacific Islands Leaders Meeting (PALM) took place over three days, from July 16 to July 18, with participation from 18 members of the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF), a regional organisation that includes Australia and New Zealand, and Japan. Amid growing concerns about China’s expanding military and economic influence in the region, the leaders of Japan and Pacific Island nations and territories expressed their opposition to “any unilateral attempts to change the status quo by the threat or use of force or coercion.”

The meeting also discussed climate change and disaster resilience, maritime security, economic development, and the water discharge from the Fukushima nuclear plant.^[1] Japan sought to clarify its intentions regarding the release of treated water from the damaged Fukushima nuclear power plant and to provide real-time satellite meteorological data.

Japan and the nations of the South Pacific have a long history of mutual influence. Specifically, before World War II, Japan administered the Federated States of Micronesia and Palau under the League of Nations mandate. During World War II, Japanese forces controlled Nauru and Papua New Guinea.^[2] Even though neither side has fond recollections of these times, a segment of Japan’s population appreciates its ties to the countries of the South Pacific despite the historical backdrop. Nevertheless, it cannot be claimed that Japan has placed a high premium on its contacts with the nations in the South Pacific or its interest in them.

Fisheries connections and development cooperation have been the main pillars of Japan’s bilateral relations with Pacific Island Countries (PICs) since the 1960s. The first Pacific Islands Conference was hosted in Japan in 1988 by the Sasakawa Peace Foundation, while the first Pacific Island Leaders Meeting (PALM1) took place in 1997.^[3] Their relationship has since broadened to include non-traditional security issues, such as projects about climate change and official development assistance (ODA). Under the 2016 Free and Open Indo-Pacific framework, former Japanese PM Shinzo Abe’s administration started coordinating more closely with the Pacific Islands region in response to China’s growing influence.

PIC leaders in November 2023 endorsed the 2050 Strategy Implementation Plan, which included seven themes: climate change and disasters, ocean and environment, people-centred development, peace and security, resources and economic development, political leadership and regionalism, and technology and connectivity.^[4] PALM10 emphasised how Japan’s cooperation aligns with these themes. The conference also focused on working together to protect the rule of law, which is crucial for the growth and prosperity of the region, and to promote the exchange of unbiased, fact-based information on the Japanese government’s release of water that has undergone Advanced Liquid Processing System (ALPS) treatment.

Given the shared history of nuclear testing between Japan and the Pacific Islands region, there is a rising dilemma. No island was able to clearly state its agreement with the Japanese government’s proposal to release more than a million tons of wastewater from the Fukushima nuclear plant over a 30-year period, which sparked protests. The majority of Pacific Island leaders voiced disapproval at the national level.

The main focus of Japan’s bilateral ties with the PICs continues to be trade diplomacy. In terms of natural resources, over 20 per cent of Japan’s total import volume of tree logs comes from the export of tree logs from Papua New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and New Zealand alone.^[5] Additionally, the Pacific is a vital supply chain path for the movement of natural resource imports and exports, including food, between Japan and the PICs. About 40 per cent of the bonito and tuna that Japan consumes come solely from the exclusive economic zones (EEZs) of the Pacific Island countries. Important Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOCs) are located in the EEZs of the Pacific Island region. The utilisation of technologies is particularly important to this region; these include big data platforms and artificial intelligence for vessel monitoring, prediction, and anomaly identification, as well as satellite access for sharper, more precise photos.

As a result of the Chinese activities into the region and shared issues, including managing fishery resources, climate change, and marine pollution, Japanese diplomacy is increasingly showing more interest in the South Pacific. For instance, South Pacific Island countries should be partners in the pursuit of a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” (FOIP), according to Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, who made this observation in a policy address titled “The Future of the Indo-Pacific” that he gave in New Delhi in March 2023.^[6] Kishida’s new plan for the FOIP shows Japan’s commitment to bolster its cooperation with the Pacific Island nations.

In addition to this, in April 2023, Japan established the Official Security Assistance (OSA) Programme. This is a new framework for aid that addresses the security requirements of the nations in the area, with the military as the main recipient and equipment and infrastructure development as key components.^[7] This could be applied to a future South Pacific cooperation initiative. With the signing of an agreement with Japan regarding OSA in December 2023, which included a grant of 400 million yen, Fiji became one of the first recipients of the OSA in FY2023.^[8] The Fiji Navy was specifically set to receive ships and other equipment as part of this arrangement.

In a statement issued following the meeting in Tokyo, leaders underlined the significance of cooperating to create a peaceful, safe, and secure Blue Pacific region that contributes to world peace and security, omitting any reference to China. PALM10 is a significant chance to mend the rift that has recently developed between Japan and the PICs and establish a cooperative effort to address local, regional, and international issues. It is expected to start a long-lasting new chapter in the relationship between Japan and the Pacific Island nations. Kishida also declared that in order to implement the PIF’s 2050 vision, Japan will work with its Pacific neighbours over the course of the next three years in seven areas, including security, climate change, and economic development. Regarding security, Tokyo and the Pacific island nations unveiled a coordinated action plan that called for strengthening defence cooperation through port visits by Japanese ships and planes of the Self-Defence Forces. It also involved encouraging cooperation amongst Coast Guard organisations.

Way Forward

The Japanese government must be more explicit about the precise areas of climate change that it intends to invest more in, particularly with regard to green climate and marine security projects. Japan might help reduce dependency on fossil fuels by exporting green energy in the future.

If Japan hopes to develop multilateral relations with the PICs, it might be in its best strategic advantage to maintain its participation in regional forums like the PALM10. This commitment reassures the PICs of Japan’s dedication to fostering multilateral relations that do not advocate a particular security approach.

As Beijing expands its influence in the region, where many island nations (like many other countries) are economically dependent on China—Japan, the United States, and their regional partners, Australia and New Zealand, are becoming increasingly concerned about the security of the South Pacific island nations.

It is imperative that Japan and the Pacific Island Countries unite in their efforts to strengthen economic linkages, security, and climate change measures.

******

CLICK TO VIEW THE PDF

Notes

[1] Ibid.

[2] Kobayashi Izumi, The South Sea Islands and Japanese Mandatory Rule over Them, Sasakawa Peace Foundation, October 06, 2021, https://www.spf.org/islandstudies/research/a00023.html. Accessed on July 27, 2024.

[3] Céline Pajon, Japan and the Pacific Islands Countries Longstanding Strategic Interests, Recent Strategic Engagement, Centre for Asian Studies IFRI, March 2023, https://www.ifri.org/sites/default/files/atoms/files/pajon_japan-pic_2023_v2.pdf. Accessed on July 28, 2024.

[4] Pragya Pandey, Situation in the South Pacific: Regional Developments and Geopolitical Shifts, Indian Council of World Affairs, January 23, 2024, https://www.icwa.in/show_content.php?lang=1&level=3&ls_id=10416&lid=6643. Accessed on July 28, 2024.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Benny Teh, Kicking off Kishida’s new Free and Open Indo-Pacific plan, East Asia Forum, May 11, 2023, https://eastasiaforum.org/2023/05/11/kicking-off-kishidas-new-free-and-open-indo-pacific-plan/. Accessed on July 29, 2024.

[7] Jumpei Ishimaru, Japan’s shifting foreign-assistance schemes, IISS, April 22, 2024, https://www.iiss.org/en/online-analysis/online-analysis/2024/04/japans-shifting-foreign-assistance-schemes/. Accessed on July 29, 2024.

[8] Ibid.

The post Japan’s Increased Involvement with the Pacific Island Countries appeared first on CAPSS India.

Keywords: Exercise, Tarang Shakti, Interoperability, Joint Operations

The Indian Air Force is conducting a mega-multilateral exercise that will bring together Air Forces of various countries, thus strengthening military cooperation with them. The Vice Chief of the Air Staff (VCAS) Air Marshal, A. P. Singh, hailed Ex ‘Tarang Shakti’ as a ‘landmark event’ in Indian military history. He underscored its uniqueness as an Ex is the most significant and exclusive international air operation ever conducted in the Indian realm; 51 countries were sent invitations, of which 30 countries have agreed to participate, which signifies India’s growing friendships and partnerships.[1]

The Ex ‘Tarang Shakti’ will encompass a wide spectrum of aerial tactics and manoeuvres. It would involve aircraft from diverse range of countries including France, Germany, Australia, and Greece and different types of aircraft like Rafale, Typhoon, F-18, and F-16, showcasing the global scale of the event.[2]

Senior leaders from all exercising Air Forces would be hosted as Distinguished visitors (DV) during both phases of the exercise. The DV day would have various events which would include static displays, expositions and aerial displays as some of the possible events on the distinguished visitors’ days. These events would occur on one day in both phases of the Ex. These get-togethers shall give DVs from different contingents a chance to meet and thus foster `inter contingents relations.

The goal set by India is to develop the country by the year 2047 and to take the bilateral defence ties with friendly foreign countries to the next level. The exercise is a step towards India’s embrace of these goals and presents India as a credible defence force and a ‘player’ towards ‘Atmanirbharta’ in defence. As part of the programme, India would demonstrate indigenous defence equipment to participants of the participating countries as well as other dignitaries. This would range from Fighter aircraft to helicopters to attack helicopters to air defence systems to air-to-air BVR missiles to ground based radars, etc. During the exercise, a variety of weapon systems, including LCA Tejas, LCH Prachanda, and other weapon systems, designed and manufactured in India would be displayed.[3]

All the Agniveers, stationed at different bases where this exercise will be held, will actively participate, like other workforce members, as per their trade and deployment in the concerned base, they will also be taking part in the exercise, ensuring their integral role and deep involvement in the significant event.[4]

The multinational exercise “Tarang Shakti’ is strategic initiative, planned to be the largest and the most significant air exercise conducted in India with the 10 Air Forces participating with assets, 18 countries coming as observers, one country decision awaited. Earlier in November 1963, an unprecedented global air defence exercise took place. The exercise ‘Shiksha’ (Sanskrit for ‘learning’) brought together India, the US, the UK, and Australia air forces in unprecedented collaboration.[5]

Along with India, this makes it a total of 30 countries out of 51 countries that were invited. The exercise is designed to provide the Indian Air Force with the ability to interface with foreign air forces, share best practices, and carry out sophisticated flying operations that are coordinated with one another. The IAF’s capabilities will be enhanced and international collaboration will be fostered by Ex Tarang Shakti. The participation of a number of air forces from various countries provides India a golden opportunity to showcase its indigenous military hardware.

To accomplish the slated objectives and highest level of engagement, Ex Tarang Shakti is being carried out in two distinct phases at two different locations.

(a)    Phase 1 of Ex-Tarang Shakti is slated to take place at Air Force Station Sulur, from August 6th to August 14th.

(b)    Phase 2 of the exercise is scheduled at Air Force Station Jodhpur, from August 29th to September 14th.[6]

The participants

The French, German, Spanish, and United Kingdom air Forces would participate in the first phase with their asset.

 The international participation in the Ex ‘Tarang Shakti’ is truly impressive. Six countries have confirmed their participation with assets in the second phase of the exercise. These countries are Australia, Bangladesh, Greece, Singapore, the United Arab Emirates, and the United States of America.

Few countries are participating in phase 2, as observers. These are Italy, Malaysia, the Philippines, Argentina, Egypt, Vietnam, Cambodia, Chile, Ivory Coast, Kyrgyzstan, Morocco, Nepal, Oman, Republic of Korea, Tajikistan, Thailand, Sri Lanka, and Saudi Arabia.

This global interest in Ex-Tarang Shakti is primarily focused on improving the interoperability of the participating air forces, thereby enhancing collaboration and joint operations. India has strong and enduring military cooperation with Russia and Israel but both countries are not going to participate in the exercise.

Significance of the Exercise

Communication and interaction among the participating air forces have been enhanced to ensure efficiency during integrated operations.

 Ex-Tarang Shakti, consequently aims to offer the aircrew and ground personnel an exciting and challenging training environment. This approach will be helpful in enhancing the participating nations’ understanding of each other and, more crucially, the work accomplished collectively.

The significant features of the exercise are benchmarking to improve individual and joint operational capabilities. The exercise involves sharing best practices and procedures among the participating air forces. In addition, there is a strong focus on airborne networking, a crucial factor that defines the capacity of aerial networking and guarantees connectivity and data exchange.

The Ex-Tarang Shakti is committed to ensuring the success of strategies and procedures through real-time simulation, demonstrating its commitment to continuous improvement and adaptability. Integration of Sensor Data is implemented to support the concept of Enhanced Situational Awareness.

Conclusion

Ex-Tarang Shakti enhances capabilities and fosters bonds of trust, networking, and friendly relations between the participating countries and their air forces, thereby promoting global cooperation. Professionalism will be honed; friendships be consolidated for better productivity.

The Ex-Tarang Shakti will achieve these objectives through the participation of different countries. It will be achieved through the successful completion of intricate operations involving the accomplishment of different missions by the participating countries, thus improving different capabilities simultaneously.

******

CLICK TO VIEW THE PDF

Notes

[1] “‘Tarang Shakti’, largest multilateral air exercise in India, to be held in 2 phases in Aug-Sept”, The Indian Express, July 27, 2024, https://indianexpress.com/article/india/tarang-shakti-largest-multilateral-air-exercise-in-india-to-be-held-in-2-phases-in-aug-sept-9487571/. Accessed on August 3, 2024.

[2] “What is Tarang Shakti, the largest military exercise that India will host?”, The Hindustan Times, July 31, 2024, https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/what-is-tarang-shakti-the-largest-military-exercise-that-india-will-host-101722435902901.html. Accessed on August 3, 2024.

[3] “India invites 51 countries for Tarang Shakti 2024 air exercises next week; Russia & Israel won’t participate”, The First Post, July 31, 2024,https://www.firstpost.com/india/india-invites-51-countries-for-tarang-shakti-2024-air-exercises-next-week-russia-israel-wont-participate-13799266.html. Accessed on August 3, 2024.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Anchit Gupta and Angad Singh, “Diffidence to Strength: Multinational Air Exercises in Indian skies”, #IAF History, August 3, 2024, https://iafhistory.in/2024/08/03/diffidence-to-strength-multinational-air-exercises-in-indian-skies/. Accessed on August 5, 2024.

[6] Ibid (IE).

The post Ex-Tarang Shakti: Largest Multinational Exercise by IAF appeared first on CAPSS India.

Keywords: Chagos archipelago, Diego Garcia, India, U.S., China, Indian Ocean

The emerging geopolitical arrangement in the Indian Ocean between India, China, and the US is very complicated. India is a proximate power, and the other two are not only distant powers but also share a complex relationship among themselves. Additionally, both have unique ties with India, where, on the one hand, the US and India are more than willing to cooperate on diverse issues in the Indo-Pacific, while the ties between India and China are at an all-time low despite the economic interdependency.

Recently, Dr Jaishankar undertook the first bilateral state visit[1] to the Republic of Mauritius in the Southwest Indian Ocean under Modi 3.0. There, he reiterated India’s support for Mauritius’ complete independence[2] as it claims the Chagos archipelago, which currently houses the US naval base in the Central Indian Ocean (CIO). This reaffirms India’s commitment to decolonisation and the principle of strategic autonomy. Concomitantly, for Washington, Diego Garcia’s role as a military base is vital as it revisits the Indian Ocean under the wider Indo-Pacific strategy to deal with the rise of China. On the other hand, like New Delhi, Beijing also supports the claims of complete decolonisation of Chagos. The article will unpack how the major powers look at the issue of independence of Chagos, and where the meeting of minds will take place.

Historical Overview of the Chagos Archipelago

By bringing down the curtain on its engagements in the Indian Ocean with the ‘East of Suez’ policy, Britain brought a sigh of relief for many, but not for everyone, with incomplete decolonisation for Mauritius. Constituted in 1965, the British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT)[3] comprised 58 islands, including the Chagos archipelago (belonging to Mauritius) and the islands of Aldabra, Desroches, and Farquhar (all three belonging to Seychelles). With the independence of Seychelles in 1976, the islands under its jurisdiction were returned. However, Chagos, due to its geographical location and strategic vitality, became a trophy that was passed from the United Kingdom to the US with some exchange of notes in the 1970s.

As the Cold War was unravelling between the U.S. and the then USSR, Washington sought ways and means to counter the increasing Soviet commitments and interests[4] in the Indian Ocean, especially after considering the vacuum that would be left with Britain’s withdrawal. This factor was further bolstered by India’s victory over Pakistan in 1971, where the ideological support given by Moscow to New Delhi was closely observed by Washington. Countering Soviet economic, political, ideological, and ultimately military support was the primary objective, which persuaded the US to establish its continuous and semi-extended presence in this part of the world. Diego Garcia, the largest island of the Chagos Archipelago, emerged as the ideal location and was developed consequently by depopulating[5] the population involved in the copra plantation. Though, initially developed as a communication base in 1973, it was later expanded into a logistics facility to deter and counter Soviet presence and project power both during war and peacetime.

However, in the recent past, the Chagossians, along with the Mauritian government, have been claiming the return of their territory, which is entangled between the sovereign rights of Mauritius, the rising military interests of the US in the Indian Ocean, and the colonial past of the UK. Despite the assertion by Mauritius and rulings by the International Court of Justice[6], the United Nations,[7] and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea[8] about the incomplete decolonisation by the former colonial power, the UK, London is unwilling to give away the claims soon. Instead, in a statement in 2019, Sir Alan Duncan, Minister of State for Europe and Americas, remarked that “we do not doubt our sovereignty over the Chagos archipelago, which has been under continuous British sovereignty since 1814”. Thus, bringing into question who is not following the rules-based order.[9]

The Present is More Complicated than the Past

Unlike the Cold War, where the primary task of the US presence in the Indian Ocean was to counter the intrusions of the then USSR, India’s interest was to ensure that the Indian Ocean remained peaceful and outside the influence of the great power rivalry of the Cold War, while it was busy dealing with challenges across continental frontiers. The interests of both New Delhi and Washington have evolved over time and now seems to be converging in dealing with the common threat posed by a belligerent China in the Indian Ocean.[10] Both have signed the four foundational agreements to enhance the sharing of information and intelligence, along with access to logistics facilities.[11] Additionally, as India is on a defence modernisation drive, U.S.’ P8I Poseidon has strengthened New Delhi’s surveillance and reconnaissance ability in the Indian Ocean. Recently, a bipartisan US-China Economic and Security Review Commission has proposed a bill, the Indian Ocean Region Strategic Review Act, 2024,[12] which will not only strengthen the ‘Indo’ pillar of Washington’s Indo-Pacific policy but also show its commitment to India’s security needs which are maximum in the Indian Ocean. The relationship is not only advancing on bilateral issues but also witnessing a positive trajectory in other formats like trilateral mechanisms, quadrilateral (through QUAD), and multilateral forums.

However, India, being an ardent supporter of anti-colonialism, once again reiterated its support to Mauritius over the incomplete decolonisation of the Chagos archipelago during the recent visit. In contrast, the US recognises the UK’s sovereignty over the BIOT.[13] Additionally, the US questions the consent of the elected representatives of Mauritius over the BIOT, and contends that present-day Mauritians do not represent the views of the Chagossians, who are spread in different countries like Seychelles, the UK, Mauritius, etc.[14] Interestingly, both Beijing and New Delhi are on the same page regarding the issue of complete decolonisation of the Chagos Archipelago. China has gone a step ahead by putting Taiwan and Chagos on the same agenda in its fight for territorial integrity.[15] How will the US be able to manage this dilemma of advocating for a rule-based order in the Indo-Pacific region while simultaneously supporting UK’s claim on the BIOT, strengthening its relations with India, and developing mechanisms to counter China, all of which put the role of Diego Garcia at the centre of any discussion?

It remains to be seen how each of the great powers—New Delhi, Washington, and Beijing—taking a stance based on their interest, will lead to either contradictions or meetings of minds in the Indian Ocean Region.

******

CLICK TO VIEW THE PDF

Notes

[1] Ministry of External Affairs (India), “Visit of E.A.M, Dr. S. Jaishankar to the Republic of Mauritius (July 16-17, 2024), July 17, 2024, Visit of EAM, Dr. S. Jaishankar to the Republic of Mauritius (July 16-17, 2024) (mea.gov.in). Accessed on July 20, 2024.

[2] “Jaishankar Reaffirms India’s Support to Mauritius on Chagos Archipelago Issue”, The Wire, July 17, 2024, The Wire: The Wire News India, Latest News,News from India, Politics, External Affairs, Science, Economics, Gender and Culture. Accessed on July 20, 2024.

[3] British Indian Ocean Territory, “History”, History | British Indian Ocean Territory (gov.io). Accessed on July 21, 2024.

[4] Hanson W. Baldwin, “The Indian Ocean Contest: II”, The New York Times, March 21, 1972, https://www.nytimes.com/1972/03/21/archives/staking-their-claims.html. Accessed on July 21, 2024.

[5] n. 3.

[6] International Court of Justice, “Legal Consequences of the Separation of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius in 1965”, Legal Consequences of the Separation of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius in 1965 (icj-cij.org). Accessed on July 21, 2024.

[7] United Nations, “General Assembly Welcomes International Court of Justice Opinion on Chagos Archipelago, Adopts Text Calling for Mauritius’ Complete Decolonization”, Seventy-Third Session, GA/12146, May 22, 2019, General Assembly Welcomes International Court of Justice Opinion on Chagos Archipelago, Adopts Text Calling for Mauritius’ Complete Decolonization | Meetings Coverage and Press Releases (un.org). Accessed on July 21, 2024.

[8] International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, “Dispute Concerning the Delimitation of the Maritime Boundary Between Mauritius and Maldives in the Indian Ocean”, ITLOS/Press 313, January 28, 2021, https://www.itlos.org/fileadmin/itlos/documents/press_releases_english/PR_313_EN.pdf. Accessed on July 22, 2024.

[9] Sankalp Gurjar, “The Chagos archipelago: Between British colonial past, American interests and Mauritian sovereignty”, March 18, 2022, The Chagos archipelago: Between British colonial past, American interests and Mauritian sovereignty  (deccanherald.com). Accessed on July 22, 2024.

[10] Monish Tourangbam, “The India-US-China Triangle in South Asia: Competition Drives Adaptation”, Institute of South Asian Studies, November 14, 2023, The India-US-China Triangle in South Asia: Competition Drives Adaptation – NUS Institute of South Asian Studies (ISAS). Accessed on July 23, 2024.

[11] “What the 4 Indo-US Defence Agreements mean for India”, The Times of India, November 14, 2020, What the 4 Indo-US defence agreements mean for India | India News – Times of India (indiatimes.com). Accessed on July 23, 2024.

[12] U.S. Congress, “H. R. 8378” 118^th Congress, May 14, 2024, Text – H.R.8378 – 118th Congress (2023-2024): Indian Ocean Region Strategic Review Act of 2024 | Congress.gov | Library of Congress. Accessed on July 24, 2024.

[13] “Moves of UK and US over Chagos expose true nature of ‘values-based alliance’, Global Times, December 09, 2023, https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202312/1303308.shtml. Accessed on July 25, 2024.

[14] International Court of Justice, “Written Comments of the United States of America on the Written reply of Mauritius to the question put by Judge Gaja at the end of the hearing held on 3 September 2018”, https://www.icj-cij.org/index.php/node/105743. Accessed on July 25, 2024.

[15] Prime Minister’s Office (Mauritius), “Reception held to mark 50 years of diplomatic relations between Mauritius and China”, April 15, 2022, Reception held to mark 50 years of diplomatic relations between Mauritius and China (govmu.org). Accessed on July 23, 2024.

The post Quandary in India’s Neighbourhood: Mauritius as a Case in Point appeared first on CAPSS India.

Author: Dr Shalini Chawla, Distinguished Fellow, Centre for Air Power Studies

Keywords: Nuclear Brinkmanship, Russia-Ukraine war, Nuclear Pakistan, Full
Spectrum Deterrence, Terrorism, Nuclear India, Tactical nuclear weapons

The post Is Nuclear Brinkmanship a New Normal? appeared first on CAPSS India.