Keywords: Minerals Supply Chain, Electric Vehicles, India-Nigeria Economic Synergy, Nigeria’s Mineral Wealth

The first visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Nigeria recently underscored the strategic necessity of improving bilateral cooperation between India and Nigeria in certain significant sectors. The awarding of the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON), Nigeria’s second-highest national honor, to PM Modi further highlighted the growing importance of partnership for both nations. the collaboration to advance the critical mineral value chain shows a promising future. With Nigeria’s need for technological expertise to advance its resource mining and processing, and India seeking to secure its supply chain of raw materials to boost its renewable energy sector most particularly Electric Vehicles (EVs), the India-Nigeria collaboration to advance the critical mineral value chain shows a promising future. Considering this context and ongoing geopolitical changes, this article is an attempt to examine the potential, involved challenges, and key strategies that can develop stronger collaboration between both nations in critical minerals.

Why India needs to Secure Critical Minerals Supply Chain?

India’s need for critical minerals lies in its growing role in every aspect of economic growth and national security, ranging from technological development and green energy transition to the growth of defence industry. Being a promising market for clean technologies, high value metals, with the goal of becoming a global manufacturing hub, India needs to secure the supply chain of raw materials to sustain the growth as a long-term plan.[1] As per the critical minerals for India published by the Ministry of Mines that published 30 critical minerals as important for the supply chain of India, India relies heavily on imports for 10 out of 30 critical mineral which reflect a dependency leading vulnerabilities to its supply chain important for its clean and defence technologies. With the goal to secure its supply chain and reduce import dependency, Certain policy reforms have been introduced in India, like the Mines and Minerals (Development & Regulation) Amendment Act, 2023 recently, which aims to develop the capabilities of the domestic mining sector through updating the mining leasing procedure and empower private companies back into the mining business​.[2]

Both the Ministry of Mines and the Geological Survey of India (GSI) have been prioritising the discovering of these minerals, along with other relevant agencies. As a result, GSI has completed more than 123 exploration projects in India since 2020. Three Central Public Sector Enterprises—National Aluminium Company Ltd., Hindustan Copper Ltd., and Mineral Exploration Company Ltd.—have invested in a joint venture company called Khanij Bidesh India Ltd. (KABIL) to identify and acquire critical and strategic mineral assets like lithium, cobalt, and others to ensure supply side assurance.[3] The recent discoveries of lithium reserves in Jammu & Kashmir[4], 15 rare earth elements (REEs) in the Anantapur district of Andhra Pradesh[5], and the initiatives by the Indian Rare Earth Limited (IREL), a public-sector undertaking, intends to strengthen the domestic supply chain. While at the international level, the joining of the 14-countries Mineral Security Partnership (MSP) is focused on increasing domestic production and securing raw materials through international partnerships​.[6]

In addition, India is increasingly engaging into the Strategic bilateral alliances with resource-rich nations, including USA, Australia, Japan and others, to ensure supply chain diversification.[7] It is investing in the recycling technologies for materials such as nickel, lithium, and cobalt, to address mineral availability constraints. Research is also being conducted to identify substitutes for irreplaceable minerals, thereby for assuring resource efficiency and sustainability in sectors such as defence and clean energy​.[8] The recently announced National Critical Minerals Mission as part of the Union Budget 2024-25 intends to reinforce the domestic critical mineral value chain, from extraction and mining to processing and recycling of end-to-life products, to ensure India’s self-sufficiency in meeting industrial demands for critical minerals. The most important aspect of this mission is the tariff reduction on the critical minerals import, enhance capacity for domestic production, acquire overseas assets, skilling the workforce in mining industry, and develop required financing mechanisms.[9] Overall, India has been prioritising critical minerals for its domestic needs through promoting its bilateral and multilateral collaborations, reducing import dependency, and investing in recycling and substitution technologies.

Nigeria’s Mineral Wealth

The mineral wealth of Nigeria reflects in its extensive reserves of over 44 minerals spread across 500 locations, which has been enhancing the potential of Nigerian mining industry to contribute towards national economic growth. It is worth noting that Nigeria has established as an important player in the global green energy transition, considering its reserves of lithium, cobalt, nickel, gold, baryte, lead, and zinc. Nigeria has the capacity to meet the increasing global demand for battery minerals through its lithium deposits and processing facility in Kaduna, whose mining and exports share are expected to formalise through the designed strategies by the Presidential Artisanal Gold Mining Initiative (PAGMI).[10] Although the mining sector contributes only 0.77% to the national GDP, there are certain government initiatives aiming to develop the strength of the sector such as Nigerian Minerals and Mining Act (NMMA) and the Nigerian Mineral Resources Decision Support System (NMRDSS). The growing global demand of critical minerals makes it important for Nigeria to develop its midstream mining activities such as mineral processing and beneficiation, which can be done through strategic investments in its lithium processing facilities and gold mining projects that could further bolster the need for mineral value chain regulation regulations in Nigeria.[11]

Nigeria’s requirement for international partnerships underscored by the challenges to its mining sector such as regulatory inconsistencies, management insecurities, and infrastructure deficits. The sector can grow with the collaboration of foreign partners like India, since it is committed to grow the contribution of the sector to 10% of Nigeria’s GDP through the means of targeted reforms and investment, thus can advance Nigeria’s economic objectives and goal to integrate into the global supply chain by 2026.[12]

Unlocking India-Nigeria Economic Synergy

The current India-Nigeria bilateral relations traces back to their historical ties, cultural exchanges, and continuous growing economic collaborations. India has evolved as Nigeria’s largest trading partner primarily in the sectors of oil, gas, pharmaceuticals, machinery sector, with bilateral trade figure exceeding $14 billion.[13]

Over the past two decades, the partnership between both nations has become highly strategic considering over 200 Indian companies have invested more than $27 billion in Nigeria and became second leading source of employment for local population in Nigeria after the government. India has also been supporting Nigeria as part of the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) initiative, through concessional loans and capacity-building programs. Both nations shared deep social and cultural bonds that can be expanded further in sectors of energy, critical minerals, infrastructure development that can align with Nigeria’s goal to diversify its international partnerships.[14]

Nigeria currently meets approximately 11-12% of India’s crude oil requirement as part of the long-term agreements with India. The legal stability and protection of the Indian investors in Nigeria has been ensured under the agreement like the Economic Cooperation Agreement (ECA), the Double Taxation Avoidance Agreement (DTAA), and the Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT), which covers sectors such as energy, mining, and manufacturing. In terms of expanding partnership in critical minerals sector, India and Nigeria have the potential to develop joint ventures to advance the upstream extraction and downstream processing technologies. This arrangement has the capacity to utilise India’s technological proficiency to improve operational mining infrastructure in Nigeria through skilling its labour force via technical training as part of the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) initiative. The training programs can enhance the local proficiency in upstream resource extraction and downstream processing, which can sustain the development of Nigeria’s mining industry.[15] The commitment of both nations to sustainable mining methods and global ESG standards would ensure the resource development initiatives are driven in the favour of local populations with reduced ecological damage.[16]

In addition to other factors, the collaboration with Nigeria can enable India to reduce dependency on traditional sources like China, achieve the goal of supply chain resilience, and counter the growing geo-economic presence of China in the African region under the Belt and Road Initiative.[17] Overall, India-Nigeria partnership in the critical mineral sector has the potential to develop a mutual beneficial framework, with combining India’s advanced mining technologies and resource strength of Nigeria. The initiatives like CII-EXIM Bank conclave and the establishment of Nigeria-India Business council are contributing towards advancing commercial and industrial partnership.[18]

Challenges and Way Ahead

Despite the growing potential, both nations need to address the challenges related to regulatory and infrastructure problem restricting the mining practices in Nigeria, thus dissuading the foreign investors. The absence of clear and stable policies, due to different compliance standards at federal and state levels, restricts the foreign investor to plan their operations in Nigeria. In addition, the mining activities face a considerable obstacle due to insufficient infrastructure, inconsistent access to electricity and water.[19] To deal with the policy and infrastructure challenges, the Nigerian government has introduced the Energy Transition Plan that implies the goal of achieving universal energy access by 2030 and a carbon-neutral energy system by 2060. Initiatives have also made for expansion of rural electricity via distributed solar power, mini-grids, and off-grid alternatives.[20] In addition, China’s expanding influence in Africa via substantial investments and commercial partnerships under BRI framework present hurdles for India’s commercial initiatives with Nigeria. However, India’s presence can serve as a reliable and strategic partner countering China’s dominance throughout the African continent.[21]

Despite all challenges, the critical mineral partnership between India and Nigeria can serve as an example of South-South Cooperation driven from the principle of absolute gains. Both nations can promote responsible and sustainable mining practices, keeping the environment and local populations into consideration, thus addressing the global supply chain vulnerabilities in the long run. Overall, this collaboration has the potential to advance a greener, more resilient, and equitable global economy through securing critical minerals value chain.

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Notes

[1] Rajesh Chadha and Ganesh Sivamani, “Critical Minerals for India Assessing their Criticality and Projecting their Needs for Green Technologies”, CSEP Working Paper 19, October 20, 2022, https://csep.org/working-paper/critical-minerals-for-india-assessing-their-criticality-and-projecting-their-needs-for-green-technologies/. Accessed on 12 November 2024.

[2] Ministry of Mines, “Critical Minerals of India”, June 2023, https://mines.gov.in/admin/download/649d4212cceb01688027666.pdf. Accessed on 12 November 2024.

[3]PIB, “Thirty Critical Minerals List Released”, Ministry of Mines, July 24, 2023. https://pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=1942027#:~:text=These%20minerals%20are%20Antimony%2C%20Beryllium,%2CZirconium%2C%20Selenium%20and%20Cadmium. Accessed on 5 September 2023.

[4] Amoha Basrur, “Implications of lithium reserves in Jammu and Kashmir”, ORF Raisina Debates, November 23, 2024. https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/implications-of-lithium-reserves-in-jammu-and-kashmir, Accessed on 10 October 2023.

[5] U Sudhakar Reddy, “NGRI unearths 15 rare earth elements in Andhra Pradesh’s Anantapur District”, April 4, 2023, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/visakhapatnam/ngri-unearths-15-rare-earth-elements-in-andhra-pradeshs-anantapur-district/articleshow/99226541.cms#:~:text=NGRI%20unearths%2015%20rare%20earth%20elements%20in%20Andhra%20Pradesh’s%20Anantapur%20district,-U%20Sudhakar%20Reddy&text=HYDERABAD%3A,Andhra%20Pradesh’s%20Anantapur%20district. Accessed on 14 October 2023.

[6] Kirtikumar Randive & Sanjeevani Jawadand, “Strategic minerals in India: present status and future challenges”, Journal of Mineral Economics, Volume 32 (4). 2019. DOI. 10.1007/s13563-019-00189-0. Accessed on 13 November 2024.

[7] Ministry of Mines, “Strategy to Secure Minerals”, July 24, 2024. https://pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=2036368. Accessed on 12 November 2024.

[8] Neha Mishra, “India-Australia rare earth supply chain collaboration”, ORF Expert Speak, July 1 2023, https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/india-australia-rare-earth-supply-chain-collaboration. Accessed on 13 November 2024.

[9] PIB, “Ministry of Mines to organize Budget Seminar on National Critical Minerals Mission Tomorrow”, Ministry of Mines, August 13, 2024. https://pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=2044914. Accessed on 20 October 2024.

[10] PWC, “Nigerian Mining – Progress, but still a long way to go”, July 2023, https://www.pwc.com/ng/en/assets/pdf/nigerian-mining-progress-but-still-a-long-way-to-go1.pdf. Accessed on 14 November 2024.

[11] KPMG, “Nigerian Mining Sector Brief”, June 2024, https://assets.kpmg.com/content/dam/kpmg/ng/pdf/2024/06/Nigerian%20Mining%20Sector%20Brief.pdf. Accessed on 14 November 2024.

[12] Ibid.

[13] Consulate General of India, Lagos (Nigeria), “Brief on India-Nigeria Bilateral Economic & Commercial Relations”, https://cgilagos.gov.in/India-Nigeria-Bilateral-Trade-and-Economic-Relations.php. Accessed on 14 November 2024.

[14] ETV Bharat English Team, “Nigeria Eyes India Ties To Cut Dependency On Western Economies: Expert”, November 14, 2024. https://www.etvbharat.com/en/!international/nigeria-eyes-india-ties-to-cut-dependency-on-western-economies-says-expert-enn24111401069. Accessed on 16 November 2024.

[15] KPMG, “Nigerian Mining Sector Brief”, June 2024, https://assets.kpmg.com/content/dam/kpmg/ng/pdf/2024/06/Nigerian%20Mining%20Sector%20Brief.pdf. Accessed on 14 November 2024.

[16] PWC, “Nigerian Mining – Progress, but still a long way to go”, July 2023, https://www.pwc.com/ng/en/assets/pdf/nigerian-mining-progress-but-still-a-long-way-to-go1.pdf. Accessed on 14 November 2024.

[17] Divya A, “Explained: A brief history of India-Nigeria ties, with PM Modi’s visit”, The Indian Express, November 18, 2024, https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/nigeria-india-relations-history-modi-visit-9676117/. Accessed on 21 November 2024.

[18] Ibid.

[19] Olalekan Fakoyejo, “FG revokes 1,633 mining licences over payment default”, The Cable, November 21, 2023, https://www.thecable.ng/just-in-fg-revokes-1633-mining-licences-over-payment-default/?utm_source=chatgpt.com. Accessed on 22 November 2024.

[20] Abir Ibrahim, Olivia Zeydler, “Here’s how Nigeria is tackling the barriers to its green energy transition”, World Economic Forum, May 8, 2023, https://www.weforum.org/stories/2023/05/how-nigeria-is-tackling-barriers-to-its-green-energy-transition/. Accessed on 22 November 2024.

[21] Energy World, “Nigeria is emerging as a critical mineral hub. The government is cracking down on illegal operations”, May 27, 2024, https://energy.economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/power/nigeria-is-emerging-as-a-critical-mineral-hub-the-government-is-cracking-down-on-illegal-operations/110454830. Accessed on 23 November 2024.

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Keywords: Artemis Accords, Moon Agreement, Ratification, Exploration, Exploitation, Benefits

On October 13, 2024, Estonia became the 45th nation to sign the Artemis Accords. Although Estonia does not have a space agency, it is onboard the Artemis accords. So is the case with many other non-spacefaring nations. Exactly four years ago, on October 13, 2020, the much-known Artemis Accords were signed by eight nations, namely Australia, Canada, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, the United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom, and the United States. This is a National Aeronautics and Space Administration’s (NASA) driven, US-led initiative claiming to be supporting the “commitments of the Artemis Accords and efforts by the signatories to advance implementation of these principles support the safe and sustainable exploration of space.”[1] Within two months since Estonia signed it, Cyprus, Chile, Denmark, Panama, Austria and Thailand have joined the movement, adding the quorum to 51 countries as of December 16, 2024.[2]

Some argue that it is a poorly drafted treaty as it has many contradictions with the core treaties on space law. This may be so for those who have taken the Accords at face value. A careful reading between the lines reveals that the Artemis Accords is one of the most thoughtful, intelligent, and cleverly written documents under the garb of benign commitment to all outer space treaties for peaceful purposes, except for the Moon Agreement of 1979.

The growing influence and importance of the Artemis Accords is evident from the global support it has garnered. Within just four years of its inception, 51 countries, including India, have made political commitments with the US and signed the Accords. In contrast, the Moon Agreement, which has been in existence for 45 years, has only been ratified by 18 countries. The recent decision of Saudi Arabia to join Artemis and withdraw from the Moon Agreement in January 2023, reducing the count to 17, further underscores the Accords’ global appeal.

Why is it that the Artemis Accords, which lays down the “Principles for Cooperation in the Civil Exploration and Use of the Moon, Mars, Comets, and Asteroids for Peaceful Purposes”, has been gaining so much traction in contrast to the Moon Agreement, which was exclusively designed for peaceful purposes? It is interesting to note that Australia is the only country that is party to both instruments. However, practically no spacefaring nation has ratified the Moon agreement yet. France and India, the only spacefaring nations that are signatories, have shown no indications that they will ever ratify the agreement.

So, let us analyse what additional benefits the Artemis Accords offer to the world, which has largely aligned itself with the US-led programme. It has 13 articles that have managed to gain global support. In fact, it brings to mind the bipolar world of the Cold War era.

This legally non-binding document has given ‘due regard’ to various space treaties and does not contradict them. Wherever it has tended to deviate from the benign thoughts and viewpoints, such as on ‘appropriation’ and ‘jurisdiction’, the argument or provisions have appeared to be succinctly justified under the noble thoughts of ‘Space Heritage’ and ‘deconfliction of space activities’, showcasing it to conform to the Outer Space treaty and related agreements. So far, this narrative has worked well in favour of the US, and it is continuously attracting both spacefaring and non-spacefaring countries to join it.

This Accords demonstrates its potential as a disruptor in space law and exploration. It represents a departure from conventional space treaties by advocating for collaboration, particularly with private enterprises, in lunar exploration and resource extraction. It has transitioned to bilateral and coalition-based political commitments rather than the traditionally consensus-based approach in space governance.

The main stated objective of the Artemis Accords is to foster peaceful and collaborative exploration of space, including the Moon, Mars, comets, and asteroids. However, this initiative also lays the foundation for resource exploitation. Section 11 clearly outlines the establishment of ‘safety zones’ around designated operational sites to prevent interference. This permits the creation of exclusive zones, a principle that is more aligned with resource exploitation than with pure exploration. This framework allows nations to pursue their national interests, granting them a first-mover advantage, especially in the emerging lunar economy.

The Artemis Accords, through its fundamental objectivity regarding space exploration, is carefully facilitating the prospects for exploitation, extraction, and, indirectly, the possibility of weaponisation. The growing establishment of ‘safety zones’ around extraction sites may inadvertently promote the militarisation of space by designating areas that could be secured or fortified under the pretext of safeguarding national investments.

The Outer Space Treaty (OST) asserts that space is a ‘global common’ and that resources cannot be nationally appropriated. However, the Artemis Accords reinterpret this to allow the extraction and utilisation of space resources by both corporations and states. In conjunction with the Accords’ framework, these measures provide legitimacy to extraction activities, thereby incentivising  governmental and non-governmental entities to enhance their extraction capabilities as an essential part of lunar and celestial initiatives.

As states and companies enhance their investments and dependence on resources from space, the importance of controlling those assets further escalates. The historical deployment of military assets by countries to safeguard terrestrial resource claims suggests that the expansion into extraterrestrial mining could prompt nations to establish defensive or protective measures for their operations. Such actions would fundamentally contradict the principles of core space laws, including the Outer Space Treaty.

The geopolitical, or rather astropolitical scenario in space is becoming more competitive than collaborative, as nations such as China and Russia launch alternative space initiatives, such as the Sino-Russian International Lunar Research Station (ILRS). The Artemis Accords establish a framework that has the potential to evolve into a paradigm in which economic endeavours in space are protected by security measures, potentially resulting in the militarisation of space, like the historical conflicts over resources and land on Earth.

Despite these perceived lacunae, the Artemis Accords has gained more traction than expected. The reason is the benefit of exploration and exploitation, especially for the non-spacefaring nations without investing much into it. On the other hand, for spacefaring nations, apart from the benefits, the technological collaboration and knowledge gained is a low-hanging fruit to be part of the political commitment.

The major difference between the Moon Agreement and the Artemis Accords is in the intent of space exploration. Article 4 of the Moon Treaty of 1979 envisions an idealistic scene for space as ‘the province of all mankind’. The elegantly phrased and idealistic article encourages the peaceful exploration of space, cooperation, and an even and fair distribution of resources in space. It aims to keep the Moon and the heavenly bodies free from strife, exploitation, or dominance. The article intends that the great resources and opportunities afforded in the near future by space be for the benefit of humanity and not for the benefit of a few elites.

However, the same principles that make Article 4 so noble and visionary have also hindered the Moon Treaty’s broader appeal and ratification. The ‘equitable sharing’ and ‘common heritage’ requirements of Article 4 imply a level of perceived control and redistribution that many countries, particularly those with significant space investments, find restrictive and contrary to their national interests. The prospect of pooling space resources into an international framework and sharing benefits is generally seen to infringe on national sovereignty and enterprise. Space powers have been arguing this framework would limit their autonomy and the potential returns on their significant investments in space exploration and technology.

The Moon Agreement calls for the Moon and its resources to be used for the benefit of all humanity. In contrast, the Artemis Accords represent a competing framework more suited to technological capabilities and economic interests. So effectively, the Moon Agreement gives no extra benefit to the spacefaring nations for investing in the capabilities required to reach the Moon, explore, extract and return to Earth under the noble thought of the ‘benefit to mankind or humanity’. This is the main reason why only 17 nations ratified the Moon Agreement, marking the absence of major space players like the US, Russia, China and India.

Another reason for the global appeal of the Accords is that the US wants countries to get along so that it can effectively undermine the Moon Agreement through standard practice. It is often stated that if one wishes to avoid adhering to a law, one should consider changing it. The Artemis Accords are effectively achieving the same objective. Given that the Moon Agreement is perceived as non-beneficial and has yet to be ratified by major players, it is prudent to establish a mechanism based on customary law through state practice and acceptance. In International Law, Customary International Law (CIL) serves as a significant mechanism to effectuate actions that may not align with the existing legal framework.

CIL serves as a solution that arises when states consistently adhere to a specific practice driven by a sense of legal obligation. Through the collaboration of various nations in adopting the Artemis Accords, the US has the potential to create standardised practices regarding resource utilisation and safe zones on the Moon, thereby progressively integrating these norms into customary law. As of December 2024, 51 countries have signed on, and each nation that adheres to these protocols reinforces the foundation for these practices to evolve into widely accepted norms, extending beyond the signatories of the Accords.

Excluding Russia and China, all nations engaged in space exploration, such as Japan, the UK, Canada, the UAE, and India, have joined the accords. This collective action helps the United States advance a legal framework that normalises resource extraction. As time progresses, should a sufficient number of nations embrace and implement these principles, it reinforces the assertion that resource extraction and safety zones are in harmony with established norms, thereby evolving into a new space law framework that circumvents the conventional ratification process via the United Nations.

One significant step that is often ignored in the niceties of Artemis Accords is the US national space legislation called ‘US Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act 2015’. This national act marked a watershed moment in space law, as its intent, bold language and clear vision lay the path for the call to reform outdated space treaties. It also promoted space commercialisation and the inclusion of private players effectively. Introducing terms such as “allies in space”, “commercial exploration and recovery”, “entitled to space resources including to possess, own, transport, use and sell” was never the narrative of core space treaties before. Though the Act was highly criticised, it compelled countries to wear a thinking hat and as a result, many countries have developed their national space laws along similar lines. As of now, the US’s only rival in space is China, which, in association with Russia, is on a similar spree with the ILRS programme. As of December 2024, the ILRS has been able to garner the support of 13 countries, including Pakistan, Azerbaijan and Belarus. Interestingly, Thailand is one country that is a signatory to both the Artemis Accords and ILRS, reflecting complex global Astro-politics to come in the future.[3]

To conclude, India, as a responsible country with a credible diplomatic standing on the global stage, made a strategic decision after four years of careful consideration to join the Artemis Accords. This move underscores India’s commitment to global space cooperation and its interest in participating in lunar exploration missions. India’s decision to join the Artemis Accords is not just a formality but also a clear indication of its intention to engage in technological and scientific collaboration, aligning with its ambition to become a significant contributor to outer space by 2047. By joining the accords, India is favourably positioned to collaborate with other nations, including the United States, in future missions to the Moon, sharing knowledge and expertise while contributing to the broader goals of advancing scientific research, technological development, and expanding humanity’s presence in space. It wouldn’t be surprising if India, with its effective and result-oriented pluralistic approach, partners with China and Russia in their ILRS programme in the future for the collective benefit of humankind.

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[1] “The Artemis Accords: Principles for a Safe, Peaceful, and Prosperous Future in Space,” National Aeronautics and Space Administration, https://www.nasa.gov/artemis-accords/, accessed on October 23, 2024.

[2] “The Artemis Accords: Principles for a Safe, Peaceful, and Prosperous Future in Space,” National Aeronautics and Space Administration, https://www.nasa.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/signatories-02.pdf?emrc=451d5f, accessed on December 20, 2024.

[3] “Lunar Space Cooperation Initiatives.” Secure World Foundation, https://swfound.org/lunar-space-cooperation-initiatives/, accessed on December 20, 2024.

(Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Centre for Air Power Studies [CAPS])

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