Keywords: Island countries, Indian Ocean Region, Colombo Security Conclave, Seychelles, Comoros, Maldives, Madagascar

Introduction

The latest visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Seychelles was another leaf in the island diplomacy of India, with indications already visible at the beginning of PM Modi’s third term. Though the continental threat persistently looms large over India, balancing the focus between both the continental and maritime neighbourhoods is emerging as a significant trend in India’s foreign policy. Island countries are often left behind due to their small size, slim financial and administrative resources, limited military capacity, and fewer diplomats and experts in international regimes and organisations. However, being a leading voice of the Global South and a central resident of the Indian Ocean, India has been making attempts to refresh its approach and include large ocean countries — island states — as quintessential stakeholders in the security architecture of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). To this end, the high-level political and diplomatic visits, which were earlier lacking from New Delhi, and vice versa, have now emerged as a significant part of India’s Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across the Region (MAHASAGAR) policy.

At a time when the strategic and security presence of the extra-regional countries is zooming out to give an edge to India’s presence in the island countries of the Indian Ocean, the visit by PM Modi on the national days speaks enormously about the importance these countries attach to India. In 2025, PM Modi was invited as the chief guest at the 57^th Independence Day of Mauritius, guest of honour at the 60^th Independence Day of Maldives, and now at the golden jubilee celebration of Seychelles in 2026. Visits like these are also a reflection of the continued trust and faith placed at the government level. He was also the first foreign leader to be hosted by the newly elected Sri Lankan President, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, in 2025. Likewise, the President of the Maldives, Mohamed Muizzu; the Prime Minister of Mauritius, Navinchandra Ramgoolam; and the President of Seychelles, Dr Patrick Herminie have visited India since Modi 3.0, thereby suggesting strong political and leadership-level ties.

India further enjoys the confidence of its island partners in security issues, especially while dealing with the multifaceted non-traditional challenges. The India-led Colombo Security Conclave (CSC) brings together all the island countries of the Indian Ocean, including Bangladesh, except Comoros and Madagascar in the Western Indian Ocean (WIO). Recently, India has announced the internationalisation of this important regional organisation, which deals with issues concerning the maritime security of the Indian Ocean. Furthermore, New Delhi has a broad canvas of defence cooperation with the littoral countries ranging from equipment transfer to capacity building, training and conducting joint exercises. Therefore, it has also been called upon as the preferred security partner by various countries in the IOR.

However, it is no longer tenable to consider that India is the only security provider in the IOR. The increase in the number of extra-regional players and their amplified bilateral and multilateral engagement through exercises, agreements, and transfer of platforms suggests a shifting discourse and has the potential of giving India a tough time in its maritime vicinity. Since 2008, with its participation in the anti-piracy patrols, China has substantially increased its military presence, reflecting its broader economic and strategic objectives in the region, while also building up its operational capability. Apart from undertaking military exercises with the littoral countries like Iran, Pakistan, Tanzania, Mozambique, Indonesia, and Thailand, it is increasingly also engaging with the island countries of the IOR, where India has enjoyed a considerable advantage in the past. In January 2024, China signed a defence agreement with the Maldives, signalling a growing closeness between the two, while at the same time Indian personnel operating the gifted assets were asked to leave. This is despite India providing training to 70 per cent of the Maldivian personnel, and gifting various military platforms like Dornier aircraft and patrol vessels. In 2024, the Chinese fleet arrived in Sri Lanka; the officers and soldiers of the fleet carried out joint exercises and training. For the first time, the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) took part in the military parade in Comoros while celebrating 50 years of its independence in 2025. While Indian naval ships, INS Tarkash and INS Ikshak, were docked at Port Victoria, and a contingent from the Indian armed forces participated in the national day parade, guided-missile destroyer of the 48^th Chinese PLA Naval escort taskforce, Tangshan, was also at Port Victoria for a five-day friendly visit. In addition to these bilateral defence cooperation, China is also undertaking multilateral exercises with Russia, South Africa, and Iran in the Indian Ocean.

Apart from China, other countries are also expanding their engagements in the Indian Ocean. Turkey has recently provided drones to the Maldives to assist them in conducting surveillance of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). While recognising the Northeast Indian Ocean as a priority area, Australia is enhancing defence engagement with both the Maldives and Sri Lanka by gifting patrol vessels and conducting exercises, respectively.

Further, the leadership-level convergence has not been able to transform into strong economic ties. India is often found lagging behind in building strong economic ties, despite some impressive infrastructural projects, both big and small, including community-driven projects. Compared to other countries like China, which involves both the public and the private sector to make massive economic footprints, India has often limited itself to large public sector enterprises or large conglomerates. This has restricted India’s economic way into the island nations of the Indian Ocean.

What Lies Ahead?

As India moves ahead by not being a mentor, but a megaphone for the island countries or rather large ocean countries—there is a need for a more inclusive, innovative approach and to forge institutional cooperation to deal with the island countries who are important stakeholders in the safety and security of the Indian Ocean. Currently, India’s approach seems a bit divided as it engages with the island countries by focusing on Maldives, Mauritius, Seychelles and Sri Lanka, along with island territories La Réunion (France) and Cocos (Keeling) (Australia). There is an increasing need to tie in Comoros and Madagascar, which are strategically located near the Mozambique Channel, and to enhance ties in various domains, along with establishing ties with the East African littorals like Kenya, Tanzania, and Mozambique. The importance of the Mozambique Channel has often been underrated considering the other chokepoints in the IOR. However, this is where future resource contestation in the IOR will take place, particularly regarding the use of critical and emerging technologies. For instance, apart from hydrocarbon resources, this waterway is rich in resources like graphite, lithium, nickel, neodymium, praseodymium, dysprosium, and terbium, all of which are quintessential elements in the development of green and future technologies.

Second, as India is considered the preferred security provider, old rules to the new game will not yield significant results. Despite the political, economic, and cultural differences among the littoral and island members, threats from non-traditional challenges bring all of them together. To this end, there is a need for India to invest in modern and innovative platforms like drones and high-altitude pseudo-satellite (HAPS) to cover the vast maritime domain.  India can also provide night vision devices that will enhance visibility in the dark. Integration platforms can also be provided, which will allow the data from different applications and platforms to come on a single platform. As island countries look up to India for defence acquisition, advanced platforms need to be provided; countries with better technology and innovative solutions will start carving a place for themselves in the area where India had been enjoying considerable advantage, trust and confidence. For example, Turkey has been providing Bayraktar TB2 military drones to the Maldives to monitor the vast EEZ, which was earlier done by India.

To this end, there is a need to increase the number of diplomatic missions in the island countries that support the military attachés. Attachés help promote defence exports, understanding the specific demands of the nations. In this regard, the role of the Air Force attachés should be underlined due to their swiftness, mobility, precision, speed and reach. They are important not only to extend our reach but also to create a favourable and positive image of India. Currently, there is no air attaché in the IOR. The nearest is Tanzania in the East and the Philippines in the West.

Lastly, as the development gap between India and other countries involved widens, there is a need to explore new options. Along with traditional areas of cooperation, other sectors like digitisation of the economy, financial technology, institutionalised tourism, sports training, food and beverage, and hospitality should also be explored.  It should also explore triangular development mechanisms with like-minded countries in the region. For instance, India and Germany are undertaking millet cultivation in Madagascar. More such options may be explored with France, which is a residential player in the Indian Ocean, through its overseas island territories of Mayotte and La Réunion. Additionally, it enjoys significant cultural and economic influence in the island countries of the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) due to its colonial past.

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Keywords: MAHASAGAR, Indian Ocean, Island countries, Maldives

The Indian Ocean has evolved beyond its traditional role as a mere trade route; it is now emerging as a highly contested battleground, characterised by heightened tensions and competition among various powers. The waters are becoming increasingly congested, particularly due to the recent spillover of conflicts from West Asia, which have started to impact maritime security. The situation is further complicated by the alarming use of drones and anti-ship missiles by non-state actors operating in the Red Sea, demonstrating a new dimension of maritime threat. All these have tested the resilience and responsibility of its central resident, India, time and again, as India has attempted to navigate its relationship with its maritime neighbours. India has responded to many of these challenges with grit and determination, but the monsoonal winds that once united the ecosystem of the Indian Ocean seem to be undergoing a profound change, with the dynamics of the region being re-written and re-built through connectivity projects, institutional milestones, diplomatic initiatives, and strategic choices of both regional and distant powers. In this context, it is imperative to examine India’s revamped Indian Ocean outlook, Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions (MAHASAGAR), with special reference to the island countries and extended island territories, as it completes one year on March 12, 2026.

The fact that MAHASAGAR was launched by Prime Minister Narendra Modi from Mauritius in 2025 is a testament to India’s angular focus on the island countries of the Indian Ocean as it assumes a greater role. While India’s diplomatic, institutional, security, and economic initiatives in the region have seen an upward trajectory, the existing asymmetry, especially in capacity relative to other extra-regional countries, is now revealing its true colours above the water and filling the space where India has been a traditional power.

MAHASAGAR in Action

In the past year, Prime Minister Modi has visited three island countries: Mauritius, the Maldives, and Sri Lanka. Similarly, the Heads of State of Sri Lanka, Mauritius, and Seychelles, after being elected, chose New Delhi for their first foreign visit — a political storytelling of their priorities and trust in India. The relationship with Port Louis has also been elevated to an ‘Enhanced Strategic Partnership’. What stands out in India’s MAHASAGAR approach is its focus on institutional linkages, sustainability goals, and integration of technology into the socio-economic goals of the island countries.

The recent launch of the Joint Vision for Sustainability, Economic Growth, and Security through Enhanced Linkages (SESEL) between India and Seychelles, during President Patrick Herminie’s visit, marks a watershed in establishing an institutional framework to strengthen ties. The horizon of cooperation has also been broadened to include areas ranging from the creation of the digital public infrastructure in the Maldives, support for Sri Lanka’s unique digital identity project, utilising AI for development in Mauritius, to other projects focusing on sustainability. India leads the way as a top responder, consistently offering compassionate humanitarian assistance wherever it is needed most.

India deployed its ships, army, and air force together to save the lives of vulnerable community members, and later restore connectivity, by launching Operation Sagar Bandhu in Sri Lanka within 24 hours of Cyclone Ditwah in November-December 2025. Humanitarian aid, including ready-to-eat meals, water storage tanks, and medicines, was sent to Madagascar in March 2026, after it was hit by back-to-back cyclones, Gezani and Fytia, in February this year. Membership of the Colombo Security Conclave (CSC) — an India-led initiative to address non-military challenges — has been expanded, with Seychelles becoming a new member. Continuing with the role of preferred security provider for the first time in April 2025, New Delhi attempted to bring all four island nations of the Western Indian Ocean (Comoros, Madagascar, Mauritius, and Seychelles) to learn to deal with the maritime challenges by conducting the first edition of the Africa India Key Maritime Engagement (AIKETME) exercise. For the first time in March 2026, the LAMITIYE exercise between India and Seychelles was expanded to the tri-services, focusing on countering terrorism, conducting sub-conventional operations, and addressing maritime security in a semi-urban environment.

In the past year, serious initiatives have been undertaken to develop India’s own island territories, Lakshadweep and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, along the Western and Eastern seaboard, respectively. For instance, the Indian Air Force is expanding its facility in Agatti and building an airstrip in Minicoy, while the Indian Navy’s Bitra detachment in Lakshadweep will be ready soon. Vice Admiral Sameer Saxena, the Flag Officer, Commanding-in-Chief of the Southern Naval Command, posited that weapons systems will be deployed and infrastructure will be developed in the Lakshadweep islands, factoring in the ecosystem. This will enable an expanded reach of its shore-based air power, while also conducting the active intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) needed to address various military and non-military challenges in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). In the Bay of Bengal region, too, India has aligned its strategic ambitions with the political actions by undertaking the Great Nicobar Island Project.

India’s Dip in the MAHASAGAR: Challenges

However, as India swims deep in the Indian Ocean, ocean currents will test its resilience and responsibility on both the developmental and defence front, and sometimes on moral grounds as well, as seen in the IRIS Dena incident. The island countries, in particular, are small in size and population, but their disproportionately large Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) and a weak resource base compel them to rely on external actors to support their domestic growth. While island countries seek to maximise this leverage with each of the foreign countries that are closely linked to their national socio-economic development. On the other hand, the development partners would unanimously want this contest of leverage to be at its minimum, so that they may have a higher say. The trails of such complex behaviour are now being noticed in the Indian Ocean, as the region gains immense significance and consequently becomes congested. At this stage, it is difficult to relate how balancing, hedging, and bandwagoning are playing out. Yet the emerging pattern of interaction and complex behaviour between the island countries and middle and great powers on one hand, and among the island countries themselves, is worth discussing.

The Maldives, in the central Indian Ocean, has emerged as a classic example of this trend, diversifying away from traditional partners of cooperation and enhancing engagement with other countries. On the one hand, it did not renew the hydrography agreement with India; instead, it signed a similar agreement with the South China Institute of Oceanology, allowing China to deploy ocean-based devices and gather data. India has already raised concerns about China’s ballooning presence and its impact on the balance of power in the IOR in the Parliamentary Committee on External Affairs’ recent report. Likewise, the choices smaller countries make are also transforming the inter-island ties, and can put the security of the larger Indian Ocean at stake. The recent withdrawal of the letter by the Maldives from Mauritius, wherein it had acknowledged the sovereign rights of the latter over the Chagos archipelago, at a time when the United Kingdom is considering transferring the sovereignty back to Mauritius, is concerning. Mauritius has also suspended all diplomatic relations with the Maldives. Meanwhile, Malé has stated that if the current agreement is finalised, it will pursue all possible avenues within international law to acquire the Chagos Islands, as indicated by President Mohamed Muizzu.

India has played an active role in surveying the EEZ of many island countries in the Indian Ocean, including Seychelles and the Maldives. However, other players with advanced technology and equipment are emerging as partners for the small island states, such as Türkiye, which is providing its Bayraktar TB2 tactical drones to the Maldives. The emergence of new partners, especially in the military domain, with whom India’s interests converge minimally, is something to watch for. These new partners, who may have been traditional partners of India, may now become competitors of India in the Indian Ocean Region. While smaller countries do need to diversify, to the same extent, such developments also signal a loss of trust in the traditional players.

As the Indian Ocean becomes more congested and contested in the times to come, India’s traditional space of action could potentially shrink. Additionally, the use of leverage by smaller countries, in particular island countries, will rise exponentially. To this end, how New Delhi will leverage its historical, cultural, developmental, and security ties remains to be seen with MAHASAGAR in place. It necessitates that India now adopts a reformed diplomatic, developmental and defence-oriented approach in the Indian Ocean that will allow it to retain its influence and the space to manoeuvre amongst multiple players.

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Keywords: Vayushakti, Air Power, SEAD/DEAD, Operation Sindoor

Introduction

To read and discuss Air Power is one thing, but to be in the spectator gallery and witness the largest Fire Power Demonstration (FPD) of the Indian Air Force (IAF) unfold before one’s own eyes offers a unique depth of appreciation that isn’t easy to put into words. It was exhilarating to witness the skies alive with the thunderous roars of fighter jets piercing the clouds with precision and helicopters hovering with purpose. The air crackled with tension as surface-to-air and air-to-surface missiles were launched, creating a powerful spectacle of sound and light. As each missile soared through the sky, it left trails of smoke in its wake, while the ground trembled beneath as bombs detonated with ferocious intensity, shaking the earth as the targets were struck.

This spectacle of military power was engrossing. Transport aircraft soared overhead, their engines roaring with power, as the ground trembled beneath the thunderous blast of bombs striking designated targets. This extraordinary display unfolded in an area just a few kilometres from where India had previously conducted its nuclear test, creating a surreal atmosphere for all who witnessed it. That’s the distinguished experience of the five civilian researchers of the Centre for Aerospace Power and Strategic Studies (CAPSS) at Vayushakti 2026, and it was nothing short of extraordinary. Against the backdrop of the vast blue sky that stretched endlessly above and the earthy hues of the terrain below, the scene unfolded an impressive showcase of the nation’s air assets. These capabilities, honed through rigorous training and strategic deployment, have demonstrated their effectiveness in swiftly and accurately addressing regional conflicts. Additionally, they have played crucial roles in conducting humanitarian operations worldwide, successfully evacuating individuals from perilous conflict zones and providing a lifeline to those in distress.

The Demonstration of Resolve

Vayushakti 2026 took place on February 27, 2026, at the Pokhran Air-to-Ground Firing range, Jaisalmer, Rajasthan. The event was attended by noble dignitaries, including the President of India, Smt. Droupadi Murmu, Raksha Mantri Shri Rajnath Singh, and the Chief of Air Staff, Air Chief Marshal AP Singh. ^[1] Guided by the core values enshrined in the Hindi phrase, Achook, Abhedya aur Sateek, ^[2] the IAF showcased exceptional capabilities and operational readiness through various day and night missions. A significant highlight of this year’s event was the emphasis on structured storytelling, particularly focusing on Operation Sindoor. The event also included coordinated Multi-Domain Operations, an integrated combat theatre, and simulated wartime scenarios.

The present form of Ex Vayushakti dates back to 1999, when the demonstration of India’s Aerial firepower, human skills, and tri-service integration was displayed at Pokhran, and has continued since then. But the roots of the air power spectacle that displayed the entire range of the IAF’s aerial platforms go back to 1954, in Tilpat near Delhi, which was witnessed by the then Prime Minister of India, Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru. The importance of the event grew immensely with the historic attendance of the Supreme Commander of the Indian Armed Forces, the President, N. Sanjeeva Reddy, who graced the occasion for the first time in 1978. His presence not only underscored the event’s importance but also highlighted the connection between the military and the nation’s leadership, marking a memorable moment in the annals of India’s history.

The afternoon sun was low over the sands of Pokhran Firing Range when the silence was suddenly shattered by a sharp sonic boom. A Dassault Rafale streaked across the skies, marking the commencement of Vayushakti-26. From the viewing area, it appeared that a live operation was taking place in stages. Vayushakti-26 was just not a simulated exercise, but it was also a strategic signaling as the international border is barely 125 km from Jaisalmer. The exercise was a mesmerising display of the IAF’s prowess, showcasing its ability to seamlessly integrate a diverse array of platforms in a harmonious and synchronised manner. A total of 77 aerial platforms took part in the operation, including state-of-the-art fighter jets, agile combat helicopters and versatile transport aircraft, each playing a vital role in the unfolding drama above. The initial phase launched with an array of surveillance drones, which soared high, expertly pinpointing simulated ground targets. These drones diligently relayed real-time intelligence to the IAF’s sophisticated Integrated Air Command and Control System (IACCS) network, making sure that every move was calculated and strategically aligned.

The tempo quickly increased as strike aircraft moved in to suppress enemy air defences. The formations targeted mock radar sites and missile batteries, and used Suppression of Enemy Air Defences (SEAD) and Destruction of Enemy Air Defences (DEAD) missions, loitering munitions, and fighter aircraft, the formations targeted mock radar sites and missile batteries, and created the way for the main strike package. This was followed by the coordinated attack runs. Fighters like the Sukhoi Su-30MKI, Mirage 2000, and SEPECAT Jaguar unleashed precision air-to-ground munitions on simulated terror camps, bunkers, and logistics nodes.

While the offensive phase began overhead, the defensive grid on the ground also came to life. Surface-to-air missiles from the Akash and the SPYDER air defence system soared swiftly into the sky, demonstrating how a layered air defence network responds to aerial threats. Akash and SPYDER are just the tip of the icebergs of how India seeks to build its future-ready air defence systems. Mission Sudarshan Chakra and Project Kusha will definitely supplement the existing air defence capabilities.

As the dipping sun cast a warm glow over the expansive desert, the atmosphere shifted from the frenetic pace of the high-speed aerial acrobats to the quiet precision of special operations. In a phenomenal display of tactical innovation, Chinook helicopters gracefully soared through the twilight sky, deftly airlifting M-777 Ultra-light Howitzers in an underslung mode of operation. The message: when required, such methods can be used to rapidly deploy combat assets, and with an impressive blend of strength and agility. Mil Mi-17 helicopters flew low over the area, inserting Garud Commando Force commandos and Para Special Forces men for a mock rescue mission. Transport aircraft, including the Lockheed Martin C-130J Super Hercules and the Airbus C-295, then made assault landings on a forward runway, delivering and evacuating troops in minutes. The darkness didn’t matter. Fighters returned to the range to display precision strikes in low-visibility conditions, while armed helicopters such as the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) Prachand and HAL Dhruv assisted ground forces below. The exercise came to a halt when a single Boeing C-17 Globemaster flew overhead in a symbolic ceasefire fly-past.

Automation in Action: The Drone Show

In the climactic stage of the exercise, the sky erupted into a breathtaking display as hundreds of precisely coordinated drones filled the air, creating a silent but powerful spectacle. Their synchronised movements painted patterns against the sky, casting an enchanting glow that transcended the usual noise of the world below, transforming the scene into a silent yet profound, powerful spectacle. The massive drone formation transformed the desert sky into a digital canvas, with each drone moving in perfect synchronisation to create dynamic shapes and images. The choreography displayed the precision and coordination that swarm technologies require, each drone maintaining exact distances from the others, guided by algorithms that ensured smooth formations despite the desert winds. For the audience, the display was captivating; whereas for strategic observers like us, it clearly signalled something deeper: the increasing role of automation, artificial intelligence (AI), and networked systems in modern Air Power. However, what elevated the drone show from spectacle to strategic storytelling was the narrative it presented. The formations followed the theme of the IAF’s journey “from inception to execution,” visually recounting key milestones in the force’s history. As the drones shifted across the sky, they recreated moments that have shaped India’s air power identity, operations from the 1965 war, the bombing of Tiger Hill during the Kargil conflict, to the most recent Operation Sindoor. Each formation reminded the audience that the Indian Air Force’s current capabilities are rooted in decades of operational experience and strategic evolution.

In luminous formations across the night sky, the drones depicted the sequence of an air campaign planning, precision targeting, and coordinated execution. This symbolised how modern air operations are increasingly shaped by intelligence, surveillance, digital networks, and rapid decision-making cycles. The narrative clearly conveyed that contemporary warfare is no longer defined solely by platforms but by the integration of data, technology, and speed.

The show came to a spectacular close with a vibrant map of India glowing radiantly against the night sky, the contours of the nation beautifully outlined. The crest of the Indian Air Force was illuminated proudly and showcased the iconic tricolour of saffron, white, and green. Accompanying this stunning display was the exercise motto, adding an inspiring touch. Witnessed by hundreds, the moment carried both symbolism and intent. The display of the drone show successfully showcased that the Indian Air Force is not only proud of its legacy but also firmly focused on the future. The exercise’s display before the sunset highlighted the destructive precision of modern air power, and the second part of the exercise, after sunset, the drone show emphasised its evolving technological backbone. Together, they conveyed a decisive message: the Indian Air Force is undergoing a significant transformation into a multi-domain force. This evolution encompasses not only the traditional roles of pilots and aircraft but also advanced technologies such as algorithms, integrated networks, and autonomous systems. Together, these elements create a synergised operational environment where human skill and cutting-edge technology come together to enhance agility and effectiveness in modern aerial warfare.

Conclusion

Operation Sindoor highlighted India’s resolve in air power to thwart its adversaries, but Vayushakti-26 demonstrated the IAF’s capabilities and future roadmap. The exercise over a three-hour period dropped approximately 120 tonnes of ordnance over a 2-square km area, and showcased the lethality and precision with which the IAF operates. Vayushakti 2026 was far more than a display of firepower—it was a captivating display of the IAF’s transformation into a modern force projecting aerospace power in all domains. From high-intensity strike missions and integrated air defence operations to precision night and special operations, the exercise displayed operational readiness. The continuous coordination among aerial platforms, ground systems, and digital networks reflected a force increasingly defined by flexibility and versatility. The exercise also displayed the unity of command, effective control, and seamless communication, which help shorten the Observe, Orient, Decide, Act (OODA) loop, leading to effective warfighting and the winning of wars. The grand drone display symbolised the shift towards automation, artificial intelligence, and network-centric warfare. At the same time, the narrative of past operations embedded in the display reinforced the idea that this technological evolution is firmly grounded in decades of combat experience. Ultimately, through Vayushakti 2026, the IAF made it clear that as a force it honours its legacy, but is ready to embrace the future, to project power, safeguard national security, and respond swiftly across the full spectrum of aerospace.

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Notes:

[1] Press Information Bureau, President’s Secretariat, Government of India, “President of India Witnesses the ‘Vayu Shakti–2026’ Exercise at the Pokhran Firing Range,” February 27, 2026, https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2233725&reg=3&lang=2#:~:text=PRESIDENT%20OF%20INDIA%20WITNESSES%20THE,combat%20strength%20and%20operational%20readiness. Accessed on March 12, 2026.

[2] Press Information Bureau, Ministry of Defence, Government of India, “Curtain Raiser Exercise Vayushakti 2026,” February 11, 2026, https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2226479&reg=3&lang=1#:~:text=Ministry%20of%20Defence,day%2C%20dusk%20and%20night%20missions. Accessed on March 12, 2026.

(Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Centre for Aerospace Power and Strategic Studies [CAPSS ].

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